Povijesti Podcasti

Satrapova buna, c.370s-350s

Satrapova buna, c.370s-350s


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

Satrapova pobuna, c.370s-350s

Satrapova pobuna (oko 370.-350.) Bila je dugo razdoblje nemira unutar Perzijskog Carstva, obilježeno nizom pobuna satrapa ili provincijskih namjesnika. Do kraja razdoblja perzijski su carevi povratili kontrolu nad većinom svog carstva, uglavnom zato što su satrapi rijetko koordinirali njihove aktivnosti. Ključna značajka tog razdoblja je da su odani satrapi jedne faze pobune postali pobunjenici sljedeće faze,

Najbliži narativni prikaz pobune imamo Diodor (XV 90-3 i XVI), no on se usredotočuje na treću fazu pobune. Nepos pruža život Datamesu, vođi prve faze pobune 370 -ih i ključnoj figuri u trećoj i glavnoj fazi pobune. Ksenofon nudi neke detalje druge faze u svom životu Agesilaja Spartijskog. Polyaenus donosi niz anegdota o nekoliko perzijskih satrapa uključenih u pobunu. Ovo su možda najviše frustrirajuće, nagovještavajući inače nepoznate bitke i pohode.

Pobuna je slabo dokumentirana, a mnogi detalji koje imamo došli su kao anegdote o pojedinim zapovjednicima ili su međusobno proturječni. Ovdje ćemo slijediti okvir korišten u drugom izdanju Cambridge Ancient History, ali druge rekonstrukcije su savršeno moguće. CAH dijeli pobunu na četiri faze. Prva je bila pobuna Datamesa 370 -ih. Druga je bila pobuna Ariobarzanasa početkom sredine 360-ih. Treća faza bila je najozbiljnija i uključivala je većinu satrapa Male Azije, kao i Egipćane. Sve su te tri pobune bile protiv Artakserksa II., Ali do kraja njegove vladavine Carstvo je u velikoj mjeri obnovljeno. Četiri i posljednja faza pobune dogodila se sredinom 350 -ih, za vrijeme vladavine Artakserksa III. Ovaj put glavni pobunjenik bio je Artabazus, jedan od ključnih lojalista u ranijim dijelovima pobune.

1: Datamesova pobuna, 370s

373. g. Nije uspio masivni perzijski napad na Egipat, predvođen Pharabazom i s opskrbljenim grčkim plaćenicima. 372. Datames, satrap iz Kilikije, imenovan je perzijskim zapovjednikom u Egiptu, zamijenivši Pharabaza (otprilike u isto vrijeme kada je Timotej zamijenio Ifikrata koji je zapovijedao atenskim kontingentom perzijske vojske). Datamesovi prijatelji na dvoru upozorili su ga da mnogi dvorjani Artakserksa II spletkare protiv njega, a svaki neuspjeh u Egiptu doveo bi do njegovog pada. Datames se odlučio pobuniti, napustio perzijsku vojsku i preselio se u Kapadokiju i Paflagoniju.

Artakserksa je na pobunu upozorio Datamesov sin Scismas koji je napustio pobunjenike. Artakserks je poslao Lidijine Autofradate da se obračunaju s pobunom. Autofradati su poraženi u prvoj bitci kampanje, a zatim i u nizu malih susreta. Na kraju je Autophradates bio prisiljen priznati poraz. Datames je vjerojatno sklopio posao za spremanje lica, poslavši izaslanike u Artaxerxes II, ali su se učinkovito osamostalili. Njegovi su novčići pronađeni u Sinopi i Amisusu na obali Crnog mora, Tarsusu na Kilikijskoj obali (južna Mala Azija) i Sideu u Pamfiliji, zapadnije uz istu obalu. Nakon konačnog poraza Datamesa tijekom treće faze pobune, obalni dio Kapadokije (Pont) ostao je neovisan.

2: Ariobarzanesova buna

Vjerojatno su na početku 360 -ih postojala dva kompletna satrapa Helespontinske Frigije. Sve do oko 387. godine na tom je mjestu bio Pharnabazus, no te godine zabilježen je kao na sudu zbog vjenčanja s kćerkom Artakserksa II., I nije se vratio. Te godine Ariobarzenes je djelovao kao satrap Frigije, vjerojatno kao namjesnik Artabaza, sina Pharnabaza. Do početka 360 -ih godina Artabazus je postao punoljetan, a možda ga je Ariobarzanes, koji mu je vjerojatno bio ujak (Xenophon, Hellenica, IV.1.40 u prolazu), otjerao u izgnanstvo.

368. Philiscus Abydus, veleposlanik iz Ariobarzanesa, stigao je u Grčku. Stigao je usred kratkog razdoblja tebanskog uspona, u trenutku kada su Atena i Sparta bile povezane s Tebom. Njegov prvi čin bio je sazivanje mirovne konferencije u Delfima, ali to se raspalo po pitanju Messenea (Sparta je htjela zadržati svoju kontrolu nad tim gradom, Teba je htjela da bude neovisna). Nakon neuspjeha mirovne konferencije, Philiscus je počeo regrutirati plaćenike. Prema Ksenofontu (Helenski, VII.1.27) te su trupe bile podignute da pomognu Sparti, ali opća je sumnja da se Ariobarzanes spremao na pobunu.

Unatoč tim pripremama, Ariobarzanesova pobuna nije prošla dobro. Artakserks je poslao Mausola, satrapa Karijina i Autofradata, satrapa Lidije, da ga napadnu. Kad su naši izvori nastavili priču, Ariobarzanes je bio opsjednut ili u Adramyttiumu u Miziji ili u Asusu (zapadnije uz istu obalu), dok su njegovi saveznici opsjedani u Sestosu, na Tračkom Hersonezu (današnji Galipolj). Ariobarzanes je zatražio pomoć od Atene i Sparte. Oba grada poslala su trupe, ali su se Atenjani povukli kad su shvatili da bi time prekršili uvjete ugovora s Artakserksom II. Spartanci, predvođeni kraljem Agesilajem, bili su aktivniji. Kaže se da su Autofradati prestravljeno pobjegli kad su stigli, dok je Mausolus bio ubijeđen da podigne svoju pomorsku blokadu. Nakon opsada, Mausolus je platio Spartancima znatnu svotu, vjerojatno da unajmi plaćenike za svoju pobunu.

3: Opća pobuna

Točna priroda ove najveće faze pobune nije jasna. Diodor nabraja brojne lokalne narode koji su ustali protiv Artakserksa (obalni stanovnici Mizije, Pamfilije, Likije i grčkih gradova Azije), ali također kaže da su satrapi i vojskovođe ratovali protiv Artakserksa. Njegov izvještaj o pobuni podržava ideju da su je izveli satrapi i njihove trupe.

Pobuna je zahvatila većinu satrapa zapadne Male Azije. Orontes, satrap Armenije ili Misije, dobio je zapovijedanje pobune. Bili su uključeni i Mausolus iz Carije, Autofradati iz Lidije, Datames i Ariobarzanes iz Helespontinske Frigije. Egipatski faraon Tachos bio je uključen u posljednju fazu pobune. Artabaz je vjerojatno ostao vjeran Artakserksu. Između njih ti su satrapi kontrolirali većinu zapadnih satrapija, iako je situacija u Velikoj Frigiji u unutrašnjosti Male Azije nejasna.

Godine 362. prije Krista pobunjenici su vjerojatno pokušali trostruki napad na srce Perzijskog Carstva. Datami su napadnuti preko Eufrata u srce carstva. Orontes se uselio u Siriju. Tachos i Agesilaus napali su Fenikiju s juga.

U ovom trenutku pobuna se srušila. Orontes se pokazao kao loš izbor zapovjednika. Očigledno je odlučio da bi mogao dobiti više izdajući svoje kolege pobunjenike. Kad je novac stigao, uhitio je kurire i predao ih Artakserksu. Zatim je mnoge gradove i njihove garnizone predao Artakserksovim časnicima. Kao nagradu vjerojatno je proglašen satrapom Armenije.

Tachosa je poništio nedostatak financijskog smisla. Podigao je moćnu vojsku (prema Diodorusu 200 trirema, 10.000 grčkih plaćenika i 80.000 egipatskih vojnika). Grčkim trupama zapovijedao je spartski kralj Agesilaj, grčkom flotom atenski Chabrias. Još 500 talenata i 50 ratnih brodova dano je Rheomithresu, izaslaniku pobunjeničkih satrapa, koji je po povratku u Malu Aziju promijenio stranu i izdao brojne svoje bivše urotnike Artakserksu.

Tachos je odlučio napredovati u Fenikiju s većinom svoje vojske. Ostavio je Tjahepimu na čelu egipatskog garnizona, gdje su troškovi rata izazvali veliko nezadovoljstvo. Tjahepimu se pobunio u ime svog sina Nectanaba, koji je tada služio s vojskom u Fenikiji. On je zapovijedao egipatskim trupama i poslan je da opsjeda brojne gradove. Kad je do njega stigla vijest o očevoj pobuni, Nectanabo je pridobio njegove trupe. Budući da je Egipat i njegova vojska izgubljeni, Tachos je pobjegao u Artaxerxes, koji ga je pomilovao i uzeo u svoju službu. Nektanabo je preuzeo prijestolje kao Nektanebo II (r.c.360-343. Pr. Kr.), Posljednji starosjedilački egipatski faraon.

Sudbina Datames -a dobro je zabilježena, iako je kampanja koja je do nje došla manje jasna. Polyaenus bilježi kampanju protiv Artakserksa u kojoj je Datames prešao rijeku Eufrat, ali je bio prisiljen povući se kad mu je Artakserks zaprijetio većom vojskom. Cambridge Ancient History ovu kampanju svrstava u 362. godinu, iako je Polyaenusa više zanimale anegdote i ne govori kojim su redoslijedom njegove priče nastale.

Diodor postavlja bitku između Datamesa i Artabaza na ovom mjestu u svojoj pripovijesti, ali također uključuje i izdaju Datama od strane svog tasta Mithrobarzanesa, za što drugi izvori ukazuju da se dogodilo nešto ranije. Datames je pobijedio i Artaxerxe ga je odlučio ubiti (Diodor, XV 91.2-6)

Cornelius Nepo i Polyaenus pričaju istu priču o njegovu konačnom porazu. Artakserks je pristao dati Mitridatu, sinu Ariobarzanesovog, slobodne ruke za obračun s Datamesom. Mitridat se pretvarao da se pridružio pobuni i opustošio brojne perzijske pokrajine. To je Datamesa uvjerilo da mu se može vjerovati, te je došao na sastanak s Mitridatom. Mitridat je odabrao lokaciju i zakopao neko oružje na tom mjestu. Na kraju sastanka iskopao je jedno od skrivenog oružja i zabio Datames (Cornelius Nepos, Datames, X-XI, Diodorus)

Mausolus se vratio perzijskoj lojalnosti do 361/0 i zadržao svoje položaje u Cariji (neki također sugeriraju da je za nagradu dobio Likiju).

4: Artabazova pobuna

Godine 359. Artakserks II je umro, a naslijedio ga je Artakserks III. U pokušaju da prekine beskonačnu bunu, novi je car naredio satrapima da raspuste svoju plaćeničku vojsku. Većina ih je poslušala, ali Artabazus je to odbio, te se nakon rekordne lojalnosti konačno pobunio.

Čini se da se Artabazus jako oslanjao na grčke plaćenike. Na početku svoje pobune uspio je zaposliti Charesa, atenskog zapovjednika koji je poslan u Malu Aziju da uguši pobunu među atenskim saveznicima (Socijalni rat). Chares je ostao bez novca, a angažirao ga je Artabazus. Zajedno su dobili bitku koju je Chares prilično hvalisavo opisao kao 'sestru Marathona'. Artakserks je bio dovoljno zabrinut da izvrši pritisak na Atenu, zaprijetivši da će 300 ratnih brodova podržati svoje neprijatelje. Atenjani su se prisjetili Charesa.

Artabazus se tada okrenuo Tebi, koja je tada financijski patila u Trećem svetom ratu i nedostajalo joj je vrhunsko vodstvo od smrti Epaminonde 362. Teba je poslala 5.000 vojnika pod sposobne Pammene. Pammenes i Artabazus odnijeli su dvije pobjede, no Artabazus je tada postao sumnjičav prema Pammenesu i dao ga ubiti. U jednom trenutku ubrzo nakon toga Artaxerxes je Tebi platio 300 tavanskih talenata, jedne godine platio je 5000 ljudi, što ukazuje na to da je zaposlio Tebance bez vođa.

Artabazus je i dalje imao podršku nekih sposobnih vođa, uključujući braću Mentor i Memnon s Rodosa, ali unatoč njihovim najvećim naporima bio je prisiljen u progonstvo na dvor Filipa II Makedonskog. Memnon ga je pratio, dok je Mentor otišao u Egipat. Na kraju je Mentor stupio u perzijsku službu i uspio je uvjeriti Artakserksa da oprosti Artabaza, čija je karijera trajala do vladavine Aleksandra Velikog.

U njegovom Protiv Aristokrata od c.353-2 Demosten se odnosi na nedavno uhićenje Artabaza od strane Autofradata. To se moglo dogoditi na kraju ove faze pobune, nakon neuspjeha pobune, ali prije nego što je Artabaz otišao u egzil.

Posljedica

Kraj Satrapove pobune nije okončao nemire s Perzijskim carstvom. U Fenikiji je došlo do pobune oko 351. godine nakon neuspjelog napada na Egipat, ali je Artakserks III bio općenito uspješan. Konačno je uspio ponovno osvojiti Egipat 343. godine nakon niza neuspješnih perzijskih napada. Stalni nemiri također su morali biti impresivni u Grčkoj i Makedoniji, odigravši ulogu u uvjeravanju Filipa II Makedonskog da je Perzijsko carstvo ranjivo na napad.


Financijska osvajanja bankarskog tiranina, Eubula, u ratom razorenom 4. stoljeću prije nove ere

Izvjesni Eubul (ne treba brkati s atenskim državnikom s istim imenom), bio je bankar ili zajmodavac koji je djelovao u regiji Anadolije za vrijeme vladavine perzijskog kralja Artakserksa II (r. 404-358. Pr. Kr.). Bilo je to isplativo mjesto za ratnog profitera, jer su se satrapi i vazali iz anadolske regije tijekom njegove vladavine neprestano bunili protiv kralja Artakserksa. I pobunjenici i lojalisti trebali su novac za svoje vojne ciljeve, a Eubul je bio tu da ga posudi - za kamate i jamstva, naravno.

Rođeni brat Artakserksa, Kir Mlađi (koji je upravljao anatolijskim regijama Lidijom, Kapadokijom i Frigijom) pobunio se 401. godine prije Krista i umro pokušavajući uzurpirati bratovo prijestolje. Iako je Kir ubijen, pobuna je živjela u mnogim grčkim naseljima u Anadoliji, koja su se odbila podrediti vlasti Artakserksa II. Sparta je pomagala ovim pobunjenim anatolijskim gradovima u prvoj polovici 390-ih godina prije Krista, ali je spartansku pažnju Korintski rat ubrzo vratio na grčko kopno (oko 395-387 pne). Baš kad su Artakserksovi lojalisti ponovno dobivali zamah u Anadoliji, kralj Evagoras (na Cipru) pobunio se protiv Perzijanaca, ustrajući u svojoj neuspješnoj pobuni oko desetljeća, koja je trajala od oko 391/390 do 381 godine prije Krista. Iako je desetljeće relativnog mira u Anadoliji uslijedilo nakon Evagorinog poraza, spremao se još veći ustanak-takozvana Satrapska pobuna.

368. godine prije Krista Datames (satrap Kilikije i Kapadokije) pobunio se protiv Artakserksa II., A pobuni se sljedeće godine, 367. godine prije Krista, pridružio Ariobarzanes (satrap iz Helesponta Frigije). Iako su lojalističke snage ponovno poslane da uguše pobunu, pobuna je samo rasla. Do 364. godine prije Krista, navodno su se svi veliki anatolijski satrapi pridružili pobuni, a Orontes (satrap Armenije) također je iskoristio priliku da se pobuni. Ipak, nakon otprilike 362. godine prije Krista, pobuna je počela gubiti zamah. Sljedećih godina unutarnji razdor, atentati i predaja ključnih vođa pobunjenika na stranu Artakserksa II doveli su do pada pobune. Prije nego što je pobuna konačno okončana, spomenuti bankar i lihvar, Eubulus, već je sklopio neke zanimljive poslove.

Eubul je očito bio nemilosrdan pregovarač u svojim uvjetima, što se može vidjeti iz onoga što je dobio od Perzijanaca u godinama profitabilnog kaosa. Nekako ili drugačije, Eubul je uspio posuditi i posuditi svoj put do preuzimanja vlasti i gospodarenja nad određenim perzijskim zemljama. Prema njegovim uvjetima i odredbama, poznato je da je bankar zauzeo barem dva grada - Atarneus i Assos - u kojima je vladao kao autoritarni tiranin.

Nakon što je Satrapska pobuna krenula svojim tokom, Perzijanci su pokušali ponovo zauzeti Eubulove gradove. Filozof, Aristotel (koji je bio prijatelj Eubulovog nasljednika, Hermija), snimio je za svoje potomke priču o tome kako se Eubul borio s perzijskim napadima na Atarneja. Aristotel je napisao:

“Kad se Autofradati [satrap Lidije] namjeravao opsjedati Atarneja, njegov vladar Eubul mu je rekao da razmisli koliko će vremena trebati da dovrši zauzimanje mjesta, a zatim broji troškove rata tog trajanja. "Jer", dodao je, "sada sam spreman napustiti Atarneusa u zamjenu za manju svotu novca od toga." Ove Eubulove riječi navele su Autofradata na ponovno razmišljanje i napuštanje opsade "(Aristotel, Politika, Bekker stranica 1267a).

Eubul je uspio održati vlast, vladajući svojim carstvom neovisno o Perzijancima. Umro je oko 355. godine prije Krista, do kada je Hermias preuzeo uzde vlade. Pod Hermiasovom vlašću Assos je postao centar za učenje, privlačeći istaknute znanstvenike iz kontinentalne Grčke. Kao što je ranije nagoviješteno, Aristotel je bio jedan od filozofa koji su putovali u Asos. Osim što je studirao, Aristotel je pronašao i ženu dok je bio u inozemstvu jer se oženio Hermijinom posvojenom kćerkom Pitijom.

Napisao C. Keith Hansley

Pripisivanje slike: (Razmjena novca iz rukopisa Psaltira BL Royal 2 B III, f. 51, [Public Domain] putem Creative Commons i Britanske knjižnice).


Mauzola

Mauzola je satrap Karije koji je vladao između 377. i 353. On je najpoznatiji član dinastije Hekatomnida. Satrap je upravitelj Ahemenidskog carstva.

Mausole je bio sin Hekatomna, karijskog aristokrata koji je -392 ili -391. Godine dobio satrapiju Karije ahemenidskog kralja Artakserksa II Mnemona. Premda je Hekatomnus vjerojatno mislio na pobunu, uvijek je ostao vjeran svom kralju i nije bilo razloga zašto Artakserks ne bi dopustio da Hekatomnov sin naslijedi svog oca. Ne znamo gotovo ništa o mladosti Mauzole, iako je doživio kseniju sa spartanskim kraljem Agesilajem, što je značilo da su bili vezani za međusobno gostoprimstvo. Vjerojatno je Agesilaj posjetio mladog plemenitog Cariena dok je ratovao u Maloj Aziji (396-394), ali moguće je i da je Mausole sam posjetio Spartu.

Kralj Mauzola

Kip kralja Mauzole, Britanski muzej

Kad je Mausole postao jedini vođa Karije -377., Ahemenidsko carstvo bilo je uključeno u dva velika sukoba. Na jugozapadu Egipat se osamostalio i Artakserks je želio da se vrati u svoje carstvo, a na sjeveru je pleme Kadusijanaca imalo ratne sklonosti. To je dalo veliku slobodu maloazijskim satrapima, a nekoliko grčkih gradova strahovalo je da bi novi satrap Karije mogao proširiti njegovu moć na zapad. Tijekom godine Mauzolina pristupanja vlasti, Atena je zaključila novi savez protiv Sparte, ali i protiv "bilo koje osobe koja je ratovala protiv države potpisnice", primjedba koja se može odnositi samo na "napad jednog od satrapa Perzijskog carstva" .

Između -370 i -365 Mausole je premjestio svoj glavni grad Carie u Halicarnassus. Mora se znati da je njegov otac uvijek boravio u Mylasi. Grad je bio utvrđen modernim zidinama, sposobnim izdržati napade nedavno izumljenih katapulta, i dočekao je mnoge nove stanovnike. Njegovo najpoznatije zdanje bila je grobnica koju je satrap, kao utemeljitelj grčkog grada, sam sagradio u blizini tržnice. Ova je grobnica postala jedno od sedam svjetskih čuda, takozvani Haukarnejski mauzolej.

Vrlo je vjerojatno da je Mausole također preselio i obnovio druge grčke gradove, poput Knida, Eritre i Priene. Godine 367. pobunio se satrap helespontinske Frigije, Ariobarzane, a protiv njega je poslana perzijska vojska. Njime su zapovijedali Mausole i Autophradates de Lydie. Uspjeli su izolirati i opsjesti pobunjenike u Assosu ili Adramyttumu, ali kad je kralj Sparta Agesilaus stigao u Aziju s plaćeničkim snagama (-365.), Dogodilo se nešto čudno: Agesilaj je primio novac i darove od svog prijatelja koji je tada ustupio svoje mjesto . Naravno, spartanska vojska mogla bi biti opasna, ali bilo bi dovoljno razbiti opsadu i otići, nije bilo potrebno plaćati neprijatelju. Možda je Mausole potkupio Agesilaja da se kloni Karije ili je htio stvoriti mogućnost unajmljivanja spartanskih plaćenika u budućnosti, ili oboje. Bilo kako bilo, Mausole se nakratko pridružuje onome što povjesničar Diodorus sa Sicilije naziva "Satrapska pobuna", ime koje je možda previše važno za identifikaciju niza pobuna koje su se nastavile neko vrijeme, a da zapravo nisu ugrozile stabilnost Perzijskog carstva. Ariobarzani iz Helespontinske Frigije, Kapadokijske dame, Karijevski mauzolej, armenski Orontes i Lidiski autofradati bili su umiješani i dobili su podršku egipatskih faraona Nektaneba I. (378. -361.), Teosa ( 361-358) i Nectanebo II (358-341).

Karta Carie

Položaj Carie, zapravo u Turskoj

Ubrzo nakon -360, red je obnovljen, a kad je Artaxerxes III Ochus naslijedio svog oca u proljeće -358., Nije se imao čega bojati satrapa. Odlučio je zanemariti ponašanje Mausole, koja se među posljednjima pridružila pobuni i među prvima koja je ponovno promijenila stranu. I premda je Mausole morao prihvatiti perzijski garnizon u Halikarnasu, djelovao je manje -više kao neovisni suveren i ne čudi što su ga u dokumentarnim izvorima nekoliko puta nazivali "kraljem".

I doista se ponašao kao suveren, sklapajući ugovore s gradovima kao što su Phaselis i Knossus, i određujući domorodačke Kariance u uredima koje su dosad zauzimali Iranci. Da se Mausole smatra vrstom nacionalnog poglavara, možda se može zaključiti i iz njegovog strogog pridržavanja drevnih kultova svoje zemlje. Iako nije neuobičajeno da se dinastije današnje Turske žrtvuju vrhovnom perzijskom bogu Ahuramazdi ili štuju grčke bogove, nijedno od ovih vjerskih uvjerenja ne može se potvrditi za Mauzole.

-357. Mausole je pomogao atenskim saveznicima, koji su se pobunili protiv svog gospodara. Neki od tih saveznika - Hios, Kos, Rodos i Bizant - postali su federati Mauzole. Nije poznato zašto ih je Mauzola podržao, ali moguće je da je kralj Artakserks III. Ohus naredio svom satrapu da potakne Grke na pobunu.


Širenje i slabljenje Carstva

Za vrijeme Darija Velikog Ahemenidsko se carstvo proširilo na 36 satrapija. Darius je regulirao sustav danaka, dodjeljujući svakoj satrapiji standardni iznos prema ekonomskom potencijalu i broju stanovnika.

Unatoč uspostavljenoj kontroli, kako je Ahemenidsko carstvo slabilo, satrapi su počeli ostvarivati ​​veću autonomiju i lokalnu kontrolu. Na primjer, Artakserks II (r. 404. - 358. pne.) Suočio se s onim što je poznato kao Pobuna satrapa između 372. i 382. pne., S ustancima u Kapadokiji (sada u Turskoj), Frigiji (također u Turskoj) i Armeniji.

Možda najslavnije, kada je Aleksandar Veliki Makedonski iznenada umro 323. godine prije Krista, njegovi generali podijelili su njegovo carstvo na satrapije. To su učinili kako bi izbjegli borbu za nasljedstvo. Budući da Aleksandar nije imao nasljednika u sustavu satrapije, svaki od makedonskih ili grčkih generala imao bi teritorij kojim bi vladao pod perzijskim naslovom "satrap". Helenističke satrapije bile su mnogo manje od onih perzijskih. Ovi Diadochi, ili "nasljednici", vladali su svojim satrapijama sve dok jedan po jedan nisu pali između 168. i 30. pr.

Kad je perzijski narod odbacio helenističku vlast i ponovno se ujedinio kao Partsko carstvo (247. pne. - 224. n. E.), Zadržali su sustav satrapije. Zapravo, Parthia je izvorno bila satrapija u sjeveroistočnoj Perziji, koja je nastavila osvajati većinu susjednih satrapija.

Izraz "satrap" izveden je iz staroperzijskog jezika kshathrapavan, što znači "čuvar carstva". U modernoj engleskoj upotrebi to također može značiti despotskog manjeg vladara ili korumpiranog vođu marioneta.


Karta, Perzijsko Carstvo, 490. godine prije Krista, prikazuje rutu Kira Mlađeg, Ksenofonta i 10.000. Odsjek za povijest, Vojna akademija Sjedinjenih Država, putem Wikimedia Commons. Javna domena.

Herman Vogel, Thálatta! Thálatta! (Grčki: Θάλαττα! Θάλαττα! “Morje! More! ”), iz Anabaza od Ksenofonta. Herojski pohod deset tisuća grčkih plaćenika. Ilustracija iz 19. stoljeća “Povratak deset tisuća pod Ksenofonom. ” putem Wikimedia Commonsa, javno vlasništvo.

Napomena: Slike su odabrane iz slika koje su slobodno dostupne s licencom otvorenog koda ili Creative Commons ili iz fotografija koje su u tu svrhu poslali članovi zajednice. Slike u ovom postu imaju za cilj sugerirati temu, a ne točno ilustrirati - kao takve, one mogu biti iz drugih razdoblja, tema ili kultura. Atribucije se temelje, gdje je to moguće, na onima koje prikazuju muzeji ili na Wikimedia Commons u vrijeme objavljivanja na ovoj web stranici.

Ian Joseph je umirovljeni financijski direktor koji se zanima za starogrčku povijest i književnost. Diplomirao je kulturnu antropologiju na Sveučilištu u Chicagu, a MBA na Sveučilištu Pepperdine.


Podržite svoj lokalni satrap!

Za Carstvo Argead, sve će biti otkriveno u sljedećem ažuriranju.

Što se tiče Iranaca, Iranci nisu daleko najveći problem Argeada. Počinje nastajati razdvajanje između zapadnih i istočnih Grka, pri čemu su se istočni Grci znatno isprepleli s Perzijancima do te mjere da se gotovo ne razlikuju. To očito ne vrijedi za sve različite iranske narode, ali Perzijanci u biti čine dio aristokracije Carstva i imaju mnogo više moći nego bilo tko od njihovih bliskih srodnika.

Da, makedonska će domovina biti izgubljena. Ali to nije tako veliki problem za Argeade- Aleksandar IV nikada nije stigao ni kročiti u Makedoniju. Hitnije pitanje za njih bit će gubitak kontrole nad Egejskim morem.

Muwatalli '

Daeres

Aleksandar VII bio je prvi car Argeada rođen u Aleksandrovom kultu. To je imalo veliki utjecaj na njega kao dijete, zajedno s majkom. Do njegova rođenja Carstvo je bilo staro više od jednog stoljeća i nije slučajno da bi kvaliteta koja se najviše povezuje s ovim Aleksandrom bila ustrajnost. Njegova je majka zasigurno mnogo podnijela u njegovo ime, opirući se političkom pritisku da dopusti regentu da preuzme prijestolje ili čak da se uda za udvarača. Unatoč tom pritisku, odrastao je u mirnog i urbanog mladića, hladnog pod pritiskom. Kad su ga probudili, za njega su rekli da je vatren. Osim toga, imao je sklonost prema egipatskom šećeru i drugim slatkim stvarima, ali od svih mana careva Argeada ljubav prema egzotičnom voću gotovo nije vrijedna spomena. O djetinjstvu ovog cara reklo bi se više da smo znali više ispričati, ali on je jedini car Argeada o čijem djetinjstvu osim Aleksandra IV znamo mnogo ičega.

Kad je navršila 16. rođendan, njegova majka Eurydice abdicirala je u njegovu korist. Rimljani su je ismijavali kao 'Kraljicu kraljeva', ali je stekla visoku reputaciju zbog vojnog uspjeha i političke snage. U njezinoj sjeni Aleksandar je tada započeo svoju vladavinu. Odmah je radio na postizanju jedinstvenog cilja, organiziranju kampanje protiv novonastalog Indo-Grčkog Carstva. Najvažniji cilj bio je ponovno osvajanje Arahozije, Margiane, Baktrije i drugih istočnih satrapija Carstva. Gotovo dva desetljeća maloljetni Argead Alexander Indikos bio je de facto kralj svih ovih zemalja, koji je sadržavao neke od najdragocjenijih mineralnih bogatstava Carstva. Da je protivnik bio strani kralj, diplomatski smještaj bio bi vjerojatniji, ali Aleksandra Indikosa smatrali su pobunjenikom i to se nije moglo tolerirati.

Pripreme su bile dugotrajne, kao i kod svih anabaza kraljeva Argeada. Sastavljena je perzijska mornarica, zajedno s vjernicima Argeada iz mornarice Inda. Oba su proširena novim ratnim brodovima, koje su izgradili grčki i fenički brodovlasnici. Drvo samo za ovu operaciju očito je bilo dovoljno da cijela brda ostave bez drveća. Okupljeni su vojni doseljenici u Mezopotamiji, zajedno s profesionalnim kontingentima falangita. Pozvana su arapska plemena koja su savezom bila vezana za Argeade, s obzirom na njihovo iskustvo s planinskim sušnim uvjetima. Ove su pripreme trajale tri godine i dovele su do ogromnog vala kovanja diljem Carstva.

Godine 202. prije Krista Aleksandar je sada bio spreman. Njegove su snage bile podijeljene na tri, a većina mornarice trebala je zauzeti važne luke na obali uz pomoć marinaca, a drugi dio mornarice će koristiti monsunske struje za prelazak u deltu Inda i zauzimanje Aleksandrije na Indu, što je vitalno luka i glavno središte Indo-Grčkog Carstva vojska bi marširala izravno u Arahoziju, zatim u Margianu, pa u Baktriju. Sve naznake pokazuju da je Aleksandar znao da će za ovu ekspediciju biti potrebno više godina da završi, i morao je biti potpuno u pravu.

Vojska se preselila u Arahoziju i započela s radom. Otpor je bio nizak mnogi su branitelji teritorija bili naseljeni u Indiji, a odluku o odcjepljenju od Carstva donijeli su satrapi i nije se nužno slagao s njima. Mnoge etničke skupine i gradovi predali su se čim se Aleksandar pojavio, u potpunoj suprotnosti s teškim ponovnim osvajanjem Arahozije iz prošlih razdoblja. Do kraja godine, veliki dio Arahozije je oporavljen. Ekspedicija je bila dobro tempirana, jer su se i Margiana i Arachosia pobunile protiv Indo-Grka. Čak i podijeljeni pokazali su se kao značajan izazov, međutim Aleksandrije iz Margiane i Arahozije bile su mu zatvorene. Do kraja 201. godine prije Krista, samo mu se Aleksandrija u Ariji predala od većih gradova u regiji. Međutim, njegove su flote bile uspješnije i zauzeta je gotovo cijela obala do delte Inda.

199. godine prije Krista, Margiana i ostatak Arahozije ponovno su bili u rukama Argeada, ali trebalo je 2 godine da opsjednu važne gradove u regiji, a njegovi ljudi su bili umorni. Aleksandar je sada osnovao nove gradove i tvrđave u regiji, naseljavajući veterane na isti način kao i njegovi preci. Još nije uspio privesti rat kraju, ali je određena mjera pobjede bila osigurana. Većina vojske poslana je kući, s obećanjem da će nove vojske doći 198. pr. Ekspedicija se tada nastavila, a ovaj put namjera je bila izravno angažirati Indo-Grke. Rat se zatim preselio u dolinu Inda, gdje se kraljevska vojska Argeada izravno susrela s kraljevskom vojskom Indo-Grka. U početku je Aleksandar imao veliki uspjeh u porazu neprijatelja, prisiljavajući svu indo-grčku prisutnost izvan istočne obale Inda. No sezona monsuna uzrokovala je zaustavljanje napretka, a nikakav odlučujući angažman nije uzrokovao uništenje vojske Aleksandra Indikosa. Srebrna podloga na monsunskim oblacima bila je ta što je Aleksandrija na Indu konačno ponovno zauzeta.

Aleksandar VII nije bio čovjek koji je previše gurnuo sreću. Ponovno je zauzeo sav pobunjeni teritorij Argeada, osim Bactrije i Sogdiane, i bilo je pametno tretirati svog imenjaka kao nasljednika Mauryanskog Carstva, a ne rastaviti njihova Carstva ratom koji bi mogao trajati desetljećima. U skladu s tim, pomirio se sa svojim neprijateljem, Taksilski ugovor definitivno je uspostavio granicu između dva carstva kao rijeku Ind, s izuzetkom Aleksandrije na Indu koja je trebala ostati u posjedu Argeada. Aleksandar Indikos bio je priznat za indijskog kralja, a dva su carstva bila povezana u savez. U praksi je to bio dogovor za dva carstva da zasad ostave jedno drugo na miru. To se tretiralo kao velika pobjeda Aleksandra VII., A vratio se u Babiloniju 197. godine prije Krista kao pobjednički branitelj Carstva. Nije bio u kampanji 5 godina. Namjeravao je pokrenuti još jedan pohod na Baktriju, ali tijekom borbe s Indo-Grcima satrapiju su zauzela skitska plemena i Aleksandru je nedostajalo sredstava da se suoči s tom razinom protivljenja.

The Argead Emperor was also the High Priest of Alexander, ever since Alexander VI’s reign. Alexander VII took this role somewhat more seriously than his two predecessors, and began the construction of a large temple city upon his return from campaigning. Controversially, this manifested as a refoundation of the ancient city of Uruk. Several other cities in Mesopotamia had petitioned the king for this honour, and Babylon in particular protested they saw this as a relocation of the Empire’s capital. Alexander VII was at first greatly displeased with the Babylonians, and it is alleged that he and the High Priest of Esagila had almost come to blows with one another. This seems to have been mollified by a grand temple reconstruction project in the city, attested to by the Alexander Cylinder. The extant text is here reproduced.

Alexandros, seventh great king of this name,
The almighty king, lord of the four quarters, king of Babylon, king of the world,
The son of Eurydike, great Queen, brother of Alexandros, great Queen, scion of Alexandros great King, scion of Phillipos King of Makedon,
I raised again the mighty temples of loving Bel and Nabu,
I moulded clay,
Gathered from barbarian India where the world ends,
With fine oils I crafted the first brick for the laying of Esagila’s foundation.
In the month of Tišritum, on the eleventh day of the 145th year,
I laid the foundation of Esagila,
Great temple of Marduk the Great Lord, which is in Babylon.
Great Marduk, Guardian of the Four Quarters, Overseer who is good, Shepherd of the Stars,
I am at your command, my triumphs are ordained by your will,
I ask of you that you gift kingship of wisdom and strength,
The full enjoyment of old age to myself,
The memory of the scions of Argos and their deeds to
Live forever in song and scroll.
The inscription in the name of king Cyrus I found and did not alter. Ja
anointed it with oil, performed a sacrifice, placed it with my own
natpis, and returned it to its place.
As for Nabu the [. ] (extant text ends here)

In addition to the temple complex, Uruk was also granted a new and mighty temple for the benefit of Anu. Uruk had been petitioning the Achaemenid and Argead kings for Anu to dethrone Marduk as the recognised chief god of Mesopotamia for many years, and they saw this gesture as a welcome measure to ensuring this eventuality. This was another reason that Babylon had been so offended by the choice of Uruk. It became clear that Uruk would not have things all its own way, however. A new cadre of priests for Alexander was installed in the city, and the High Priest of Alexander in the city would have equal status with the High Priest of Anu. Few Alexander cultists of the city were included in the new priesthood attached to the temple, only a very few families of tested loyalty were granted this privilege. Uruk would earn significant dividends from the new arrangement, but it had also brought the Argeads right into the city and dissent was to become almost impossible.

The death of Alexander’s mother Eurydike was a hard blow to the Empire and to the Emperor. She had been a well respected monarch in her own right, and a faithful ward to her son. 194 BC was a watershed year for Alexander VII, his behaviour as a monarch significantly altered after this. Rather than launching a single massive campaign, he spend the next seven campaign seasons in different theatres of the Empire he defeated an incursion of Arabian tribes into the Sealands, he displaced a pirate infestation in the Black Sea, he fought back an attempted Scythian invasion of Colchis. This period too came to an end in 186 BC, when construction of the Uruk temple complex was completed. His last act as King was the consecration of the city, as he then abdicated in favour of his son Cyrus. His estate was alleged to have been in Persia, surrounded by a magnificent garden to rival that of the Achaemenid kings.

Before moving on, it is worth discussing his choice of name for his son and successor. By calling his son Cyrus, he was doing two things he was signalling the removal of that name as a bogeyman in Greek identity, but he was also signalling the degree to which the two identities had become inseparable. The Iranian foundations of the Alexander Cult’s officialized form show that Alexander VI’s generation were already highly Persified, and from inscriptions we know that the Persians were now highly Hellenised. A generation had gone by and this fusion had only strengthened. By choosing to name the monarch of a Greek-identifying dynasty Cyrus, this situation was now openly acknowledged if not universally accepted. A consequence of this action was that fault lines were now being opened up between different interpretations of Greek identity. The Greeks of the East had accepted Persian influences over time, intermarried with them, and worshipped at Iranian sites as frequently as at Hellenic ones. The Greeks of the West remained staunchly opposed to this idea of ‘Greekness’, in particular the Greeks of Macedon and of the Hellenic League. Macedon was about the only area left with an actual Macedonian identity elsewhere, Macedonians and other Greek ethnic groups had become indistinguishable. Macedon was now inexorably drifting apart from the Argead Empire, for the Argeads were now almost strangers in their own homeland. The Hellenic League had developed a healthy respect for the Argead monarchs themselves, but they had always steadfastly rejected Argead cultural trends like the Alexander cult and Iranian divinities. The simple act of naming a child now hastened the division that was to emerge. ​

Willbell

Daeres

TaylorS

Daeres

[Generally speaking, all of the updates have been from the POV of the timeline and through a 'historical lens', but for an additional bit of interest I'm reproducing two private letters that wouldn't have survived into later periods. These letters are both involving 'Celtic' kings, but are written in Greek this is considered the international language of diplomacy even as far as Gaul.]

The Argeads of Asia had always claimed to be legitimate successors to the Achaemenid Empire, both through their virtues and marriage into the previous regime. Cyrus was thus consistently referred to as the ‘third of his name’, acknowledging the two Achaemenid kings of that name as being of equal level to the Argead Emperors. If we are to believe that Alexander genuinely sought a union of Macedonians and Persians, then Cyrus was this dream made flesh. Rather than being a throwback to the past, as Emperor this divisive young man looked to the future.

His father, Alexander VII, had done much to strengthen the Alexander cult’s organisational structure. Cyrus continued this by creating the first official hierarchy of the Empire’s many High Priests of Alexander, with the Argead Emperor at the very top of this pyramid. The most important official in the religion was the Emperor, as the High Priest of Alexander at Babylon and the claimant to the daimon of Alexander. Other important officials now included the High Priests of Uruk, Susa, Damascus and Adana. As of yet, they did not hold any influence over secular affairs the priests of the Alexander cult with the exception of the Emperor were required to abstain from roles in governance and magistracies.

Cyrus did reach back to his Achaemenid legacy for one significant reform, however he reconstituted the Immortals as a fighting unit. These had rather more in common with the Hellenistic hypaspistai than the original Immortals, and replaced the former’s role in the royal army, but the symbolism of their name was key. Their shields were reputed to bear the image of an apple encircled by Ophion, the primordial serpent. Many scholars have become obsessed by the deep symbolism of these soldiers, and neglect to look at the pragmatic value that was had in their creation the hypaspistai had for some time lagged behind developments in warfare and needed a thorough updating for the modern era. They thoroughly reflected their times Greek speaking soldiers armed heavy infantry style steeped in Persian symbolism.

The seven years of Cyrus’ reign are categorised as the last great period of peace that the Argead Empire experienced no enemy had yet emerged to challenge them, Ptolemaic Egypt remained friendly, no satraps rebelled against the King’s authority. In the realm of foreign affairs, he worked tirelessly he maintained alliances with the Epirote kingdom and attempted to repair the connection with Rome by providing them with shipments of foodstuffs in the wake of the Social War. Relations with the Indo-Greeks remained cool, but did not escalate into war and the dynamic between the two states was becoming less fraught.

The times of Cyrus seemed hopeful his first campaign was against the Scythians gathering on the eastern border, and it seemed as though the Scythians might remain pacified for a significant time afterwards as the campaign was successful. Fate it seems has a cruel streak in 179 BC, only seven years after Cyrus’ reign began, he contracted malaria. His eldest son, Archelaus, was not yet a man. Cyrus was at least able to directly state Archelaus as his heir, and provide for an official regency. But his death came, and his untimely demise signalled the end to the Peace of the Argeads for better and worse, war was about to return to the Eastern Mediterranean. It began the very year that he died, when the Kingdom of Macedon declared itself independent of the Argead Empire.

Errnge

Somewhat symbolic it seems that the Argead Emperor who seemed more Persian than Macedonian would be the last to rule Macedon.

And an interesting tidbit about Gallic relations.

Daeres

Ever since the death of Alexander the Great, there had been an unwritten rule of the Argead monarchy members of the previous generation did not interfere with court politics once a new King had been appointed. This was essentially enforced with voluntary exile. However, this rule may have first been broken at this time Alexander VII had abdicated as King, and was no longer holder of the daimon of Alexander. However, he was still alive at the time of his son’s untimely death. His grandson’s official regent was the eunuch Parwin, but the situation in the Empire was suddenly unstable and volatile. The tradition that Alexander came out of his seclusion to help his grandson is only passed down from one chronicle, and may be considered dubious for this reason. But after this period, the political relationship between the Argead Emperor and his close relatives is observably different, and it seems possible that the re-inclusion of Alexander in the state’s governance set a precedent. If this did occur, the Argeads certainly kept this notion well hidden Alexander VII did not reappear in any official iconography of the Empire, including coin issues, until after his actual death in the 160s.

The revolt in Macedonia did not go unanswered loyalist forces in Macedon resisted the initial coup, and then were able to retreat across the Epirote border after their defeat where they were given refuge. But the Empire was in significant trouble when Alexander IV had inherited the throne during his childhood, he had been surrounded by the companions of Alexander who were in themselves effective generals and leaders. But in the period since then, the state had steadily become more reliant upon the energy and acumen of the Emperor to provide military strategy. The descendants of the generals had become satraps, priests, and landowners, no longer quasi kings as their forefathers had been. This had only become more the case since Alexander VI had made the monarch the spiritual leader of the Empire as well. Parwin was reputed to be extremely competent, but he could not be be the Emperor.

The Aegean fleet of the Argeads responded to the revolt, but in 178 BC the fleet was ambushed and destroyed by a Macedonian fleet inflated with mercenaries from several Greek city states. This was not followed up by the royal army, and this then caused the revolt to escalate. Anatolian satraps across the entire region began to declare independence as well, and the Cilician gates were closed. However, some control was restored by the defeat of an attempted Armenian revolt, and the reoccupation of the Cilician gates in 176 BC. Archelaus was still a ‘boy’ of fifteen when he began properly exercising his rule in 175 BC, but he was desperately needed.

He first gained success by recapturing the entirety of Cilicia from the rebels in an energetic campaign. In that year he also recaptured the coast of Pontus, and large parts of Cappadocia. The next year the coast of Lycia was also recovered. However, this gain was only temporary and it was reoccupied by the rebellious state of Halikarnassos. The key issue was that the naval forces of the various rebellious satrapies were acting in concert and were a match for the Argead naval forces that could be mustered. In addition, not enough forces could be brought to bear without dangerously reducing security in other volatile satrapies and along the Empire’s borders. Egypt could not be persuaded to intervene, or the Hellenic League. The conflict was attracting enough of the Empire’s resources for very little gain that continued warfare seemed of little use. Anatolia was a valuable possession, and not let go lightly Archelaus campaigned for another two years before bowing to the inevitable and negotiating. However, in their giddy fever at having broken away from the Argead Empire the rebels made a fatal mistake in allowing Archelaus’ version of the treaty to be ratified he recognised the Kingships of certain states, including Macedon, but he had failed to attach recognition to individuals or dynasties. The alliance between the Anatolian states and Macedon quickly broke down, and by the beginning of the 160s BC most of them were in open conflict. Several kingdoms rose and fell in this period, and dynasties quickly transitioned. This should have been the opportunity that Archelaus sought, but he was unable to press his advantage due to an even more serious matter.

The new monarch of the Indo-Greek Empire chose to abandon the peace his father had created with the Argeads, seeking to regain both the entirety of the Indus region and the fertile Swat valley. He launched the war in 168 BC, and this was a much larger threat than the squabbles of Anatolia because it threatened Argead control over the Iranian plateau. An anabasis was duly launched to meet this incursion later that same year. The two forces met openly in the field at Alexandria in Arachosia, meeting the Indo-Greek Emperor as he attempted to besiege the city. The battle was particularly bloody, but the Argeads had the advantage of numbers and the Indo-Greeks had been fighting Indian-style armies that fought quite differently to modern Hellenistic opponents. By 166 BC, the first Indo-Greek campaign had been decisively repelled. This was followed up in 165 BC with occupations along the Indo-Greek side of the Indus river, and in the north as far as the important city of Taxila.

Undeterred, the Indo-Greek Emperor launched a new assault in 164 BC. The Argeads withdrew from several cities, taking as booty not just gold and jewels but intellectuals and artisans. The Indo-Greek armies were able to besiege and recover many of these cities, but this took time, money and manpower that bogged down the campaign. By 162 BC, the borders were almost exactly the same as they had been six years ago and the failure to prosecute the campaign had greatly destabilised the Indo-Greek Empire. A white peace was drawn up, and Archelaus’ prestige was greatly enhanced. During the campaign, he had been able to bring more of the Black Sea Greek colonies into the Argead sphere of influence by careful diplomacy. Upon his return to Mesopotamia, he was also able to negotiate a new treaty of friendship with Epirus.

However, the Western Mediterranean was about to become completely destabilised in 161 BC, the Barcid Empire launched the Third Punic War against the Roman Republic and its allies. The Mediterranean sea from the Pillars of Hercules to the Adriatic swiftly became a war zone. This conflict was in itself a consequence of the Argeads neglecting the Western Mediterranean for the past century. The Argeads did ‘lend’ the Epirotes ships and crews, but this was as far as their intervention went, because from the Argead point of view this was far from their biggest priority.

Not for the last time, a great migration was occurring across Eurasia. Many Scythian tribes who had resided in Central Asia were now moving west, north of the Caspian sea. Some, however, moved south the previous dynasty of Scytho-Greek Bactria was toppled and replaced by the newer Scythian arrivals. More pressingly for the Argeads, Scythians were also moving across their borders in Parthia and Margiana. This required immediate attention. Some of the tribes that had moved across the border responded to diplomacy, and were incorporated by the Argeads as military settlers. But a large number of tribes either didn’t trust the Argeads or wanted to retain sovereignty. The occupation of the Iranian Plateau would be disastrous for the security of the core regions of the Empire.

The Scythian Wars lasted for ten long years. Each year an anabasis was launched by Archelaus, and minting increased to unprecedented levels. Notable victories of this period included the complete destruction of a Scythian army that ravaged Media, the submission of the Dahae and the capture of ten Scythian kings at the Battle of Rhagae. But even with all of these victories several satrapies became permanently lost to the Argeads Parthia and Arachosia were overrun, and communication with the Indus satrapies became extremely difficult.

This large period of war had also left the Argeads unable to deal with the increasing instability around their other borders the independent kingdom of Macedon had been partitioned between the Hellenic League and Epirus, and the Hellenic League was now the master of the Aegean sea. Relations with the Ptolemies also degenerated badly in this period, as they began to influence and support the remaining independent Anatolian kingdoms. After such strife for such a long period, the Argeads were unable to prevent the Indus satrapies declaring independence from the Empire. By 149 BC, the Argead Empire only controlled a small number of territories east of the Zagros mountains. All was not lost the Empire’s core territories remained secure, the Scythians had begun fighting amongst themselves, and the Ptolemies remained under thumb. Archelaus does not have the glorious reputation of many of his ancestors, nonetheless he stemmed the tide and preserved the Empire from collapse just yet. But the Argead Empire was bleeding from many wounds, and had lost more than a little territory. Nine of years of peace followed, and one would have been forgiven for thinking that the Argeads were already dead as an Empire. The first of the Late Argeads, Alexander VIII, is the proof that the Argead Empire still had life.


CHAPTER XXXV - Ionic Revolt

H itherto the history of the Asiatic Greeks has flowed in a stream distinct from that of the European Greeks. The present chapter will mark the period of confluence between the two.

At the time when Darius quitted Sardis on his return to Susa, carrying with him the Milesian Histiæus, he left Artaphernês his brother as satrap of Sardis, invested with the supreme command of Western Asia Minor. The Grecian cities on the coast, comprehended under his satrapy, appear to have been chiefly governed by native despots in each and Milêtus especially, in the absence of Histiæus, was ruled by his son-in-law Aristagoras. That city was now in the height of power and prosperity—in every respect the leading city of Ionia. The return of Darius to Susa may be placed seemingly about 512 b.c. , from which time forward the state of things above described continued, without disturbance, for eight or ten years—“ a respite from suffering,” to use the significant phrase of the historian.

It was about the year 506 b.c. that the exiled Athenian despot Hippias, after having been repelled from Sparta by the unanimous refusal of the Lacedæmonian allies to take part in his cause, presented himself from Sigeium as a petitioner to Artaphernês at Sardis.

Povezani sadržaj

Pošaljite e -poruku svom knjižničaru ili administratoru da preporuči dodavanje ove knjige u zbirku vaše organizacije.


Sadržaj

Datames, the satrap of Cappadocia and a talented military commander, had inherited his satrapy from his father Camissares after 384 BC but later problems with the court led him to revolt in 372 BC. The court commanded the neighboring satraps, Autophradates of Lydia and Artumpara of Lycia, to crush the rebellion but Datames successfully resisted their attacks. Ώ ]

Datames was killed in 362 BC after his son in law Mitrobarzanes betrayed him, falsely claiming to be his ally against the Achaemenid king. Ώ ]


Major Events

The Persians launched two major invasions against Greece: in 490 under Darius and in 483 under Xerxes. Both expeditions ended in disaster, though it is important to remember that the major source for these events, the historian Herodotus (c. 484–c. 429 BC), was a Greek himself and thus inclined to believe the worst of the invaders and to overstate the moral and tactical superiority of the defenders. It should also be noted that many Greek cities joined the Persians either voluntarily or under compulsion. Darius’s expedition ended at Marathon, where a badly outnumbered force of Athenians and Plataeans drove the invaders out of Attica (the region surrounding the cities of Athens and Plataea) and soon out of Greece altogether. Ten years later, an allied force led by Athens and Sparta nearly stopped the Persian advance at a mountain pass called Thermopylae. Forced to evacuate their city, the Athenians withdrew to the nearby island of Salamis, where their navy trapped and destroyed the Persian fleet. Xerxes sailed immediately back to Asia Minor. The Persian land forces remained in Greece until the following spring, when they were defeated decisively at Plataea.


Sadržaj

Pharnabazus, Satrap of Phrygia (fl. 413 – 373 BCE), son of Pharnaces of Phrygia, is indicated to have shared his rule and territories with his brothers in the late 5th century BCE when Pharnabazos had recently succeeded to the position. Mithradates, Satrap of Cappadocia, might have been one of such brothers. Ariobarzanes of Cius might have also been one of those brothers.

The classical source Appianus relates that Ariobarzanes was of a cadet line of the family of the Persian Great King Dareios (Darius the Great).

It is highly probable he is the same Ariobarzanes who, around 407 BCE, was the Persian envoy to the Greek city-states and cultivated the friendship of Athens and Sparta. Ariobarzanes conducted the Athenian ambassadors, in 405 BCE, to his sea-town of Cius in Mysia, after they had been detained three years by order of Cyrus the Younger. [2]

Ariobarzanes was mentioned as under-satrap in Anatolia in late 5th century BCE. He then apparently succeeded his presumed kinsman (possibly elder brother) Pharnabazus (fl. 413 – 373 BCE) as satrap of Phrygia and Lydia, assigned by Pharnabazos himself when he departed to the Persian court to marry Apama, daughter of the Persian king. Thus Ariobarzanes became the satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia, in what is now the northwest of Turkey. Pharnabazos lived well into the 370s BCE, having obtained higher positions in the Persian monarchy than merely the Phrygian satrapship.

Ariobarzanes assisted Antalcidas in 388 BCE. [3]

He appears to have still held some high office in the Persian court in 368 BCE, as we find him, apparently on behalf of the king, sending an embassy led by Philiscus of Abydos to Greece in that year. [4] Both Philiscus and Ariobarzanes, as well as three of his sons, were made citizens of Athens, a remarkable honor suggesting important services rendered to the city-state. [5]

Ariobarzanes, who is called by Diodorus [6] satrap of Phrygia, and by Nepos [7] satrap of Lydia, Ionia, and Phrygia, revolted against Artaxerxes II in 362. Demosthenes speaks of Ariobarzanes and his three sons having been lately made Athenian citizens. [8] He mentions him again [9] in the following year and says, that the Athenians had sent Timotheus to his assistance but that when the Athenian general saw that Ariobarzanes was in open revolt against the king, he refused to assist him.

When Pharnabazos' other son, Artabazos II of Phrygia, wanted to regain the satrapy from his brother, Ariobarzanes refused. Ultimately, in about 366 BCE, Ariobarzanes joined an unsuccessful revolt of the satraps of western Anatolia against the Achamenian King Artaxerxes II (Revolt of the Satraps). Several other satraps sided with Ariobarzanes, including Mausolus of Caria (briefly), Orontes I of Armenia, Autophradates of Lydia and Datames of Cappadocia. The rebel satraps also received support from the pharaoh of Egypt, Teos, as well as from some of the Greek city states, with the Spartan king Agesilaus II coming to their assistance with a mercenary force.

Ariobarzanes withstood a siege at Adramyttium in 366 BC, from Mausolus of Caria and Autophradates of Lydia, until Agesilaus negotiated the besiegers' retreat. [10]

Ariobarzanes was betrayed by his son Mithridates to his overlord, the Persian king, [11] who had Ariobarzanes crucified. [12] [13]


Gledaj video: Машина книговставочная Беркут 3КВ-350 (Srpanj 2022).


Komentari:

  1. Peverell

    Jeste li brzo došli do tako neusporedivog odgovora?

  2. Ellen

    Savjetujem vam da pogledate web stranicu na kojoj ima mnogo članaka o ovoj temi.



Napišite poruku