Povijesti Podcasti

Zašto su Švedska i Norveška postale vazali Danske?

Zašto su Švedska i Norveška postale vazali Danske?


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

U kojem je području Danska bila superiornija od tih zemalja pa je dominirala njima, poput vojske, trgovine, dinastičkih pitanja, političke kulture? Koliko je vodstvo Danske bilo snažno i je li bilo formalno do te mjere da su mogli uvesti zemlju u ratove ili povećati razvoj itd.? Koliko je ovo trajalo?


Razlog seže do danske kraljice Margrethe I. (Ona je za sadašnju kraljicu Margrethe II. Ono što je Elizabeta I. od Engleske bila za Elizabetu II.)

Margrethe je bila supruga kraljice norveško-švedskog kralja Haakona s kojim je imala sina Olafa. Bila je i kći danskog kralja Valdemara. Plan nasljedstva bio je da sin preuzme Norvešku i Dansku. No, tada joj je umro otac, muž i sin. Dakle, iako je bila žena, bila je posljednja od kraljevskih obitelji Norveške i Danske, a plemići te dvije zemlje izabrali su je za kraljicu Regnant (vladajuću kraljicu).

Šveđani nisu bili tako susretljivi. Ranije su za svog novog kralja izabrali Albrechta od Mecklenberga, njemačkog princa i rođaka Haakona. No, logičniji kandidat bila je tek okrunjena kraljica Danske i Norveške. Njih su dvije otišle u rat, a pobijedila je Margrethe I., ujedinivši tako Dansku, Norvešku i Švedsku u takozvanu "osobnu uniju", takozvanu Kalmarsku uniju iz 1397. Kasniji danski monarhi zadržali su ovaj aranžman do 1523., kada su Šveđani pobunio se i postao neovisna država pod Gustavom Vasom. Norveška je ostala ujedinjena s više naseljenom Danskom sve dok ta zemlja nije odabrala pogrešnu stranu u Napoleonovim ratovima, a Norveška joj je oduzeta i data Švedskoj, koja je bila dio koalicije protiv Bonapartea.


Gore navedeni odgovor Toma Aua uglavnom je točan s obzirom na Norvešku; Albrecht je zapravo imao formalno jače pravo na norveško prijestolje, ali je ostavljen po strani jer je Margrete bila tako učinkovita.

Što se tiče Švedske, Albrecht je tamo bio kralj od 1364. godine, a Margrete je zaista stvarno došla na vlast u Norveškoj i Danskoj u svoje ime 1387./1388. (Tada je bila regentica nekoliko godina). U tom trenutku švedski su magnati uspjeli uvelike smanjiti Albrechtovu moć, ali kad je izgledalo da će je on povratiti 1386. kad je umro Bo Jonsson (Grip) (najmoćnija švedska ne-kraljevska osoba ikad), udružili su se s Margrete. Tko se točno borio na kojoj strani u sljedećem ratu nije jasno, ali krajnji rezultat je: Margrete je pobijedila i pokazala se mnogo jačim namjesnikom nego što je Albrecht ikada bio.

Što se tiče moći, valja napomenuti da, dok su Danska i Norveška tijekom 15. i 16. stoljeća obično bile mnogo jače od Švedske, tijekom godina prije Kalmarske unije, stvari nisu uvijek bile takve. Početkom 14. stoljeća Magnus Eriksson naslijedio je norveško prijestolje i izabran je za kralja Švedske (to je u ovom trenutku bila uglavnom formalnost), također je mogao iskoristiti dansku slabost i kupio Scaniju. Tada nije bilo ni na koji način jasno da će Danska na kraju postati jača sila i ostati takva preko 200 godina.

To se djelomično može pripisati dažbinama Sound, koje su ostvarivale stalne, velike prihode i dale danskom kralju političku neovisnost od tajnog vijeća i prehrane. Danska je također općenito imala bliže veze s Europom, što znači jaču diplomaciju i lakši pristup plaćenicima.


Prema članku Wikipedije o Kalmarskoj uniji, radilo se o osobnoj uniji, a Norveška, Švedska i Danska ostale su zasebna kraljevstva koja su imala istog kralja. Budući da je kralj obično boravio u Danskoj i imao je uglavnom danske savjetnike, nekim Norvežanima i Šveđanima činilo se tada i kasnije da njihovim zemljama dominira Danska.

Osim ako netko ne može pronaći službeni tekst dokumenata Kalmarske unije koji kaže da su Norveška i Švedska sada bile vazali Danske, izvorno se pitanje mora smatrati tehnički netočnim. Bilo bi, međutim, zabavno vidjeti kralja koji glumi švedskog kralja kako se odaje počast sebi glumeći kralja Danske!


1814-1905 - Norveška Pod Švedskom

Godina 1814. bila je možda jedna od najvažnijih događaja u povijesti Norveške. Početkom godine zemljom je upravljala Danska, apsolutna monarhija pod kraljem Frederikom VI. Do kraja godine postala je ustavna monarhija u uniji sa Švedskom. U mjesecima između toga Norveška je postala neovisna država, usvojila vlastiti ustav i izabrala svog kralja. Norveška je bila prisiljena prihvatiti uniju sa Švedskom, ali je švedski kralj morao prihvatiti norveški ustav - ustav koji je imao prednost nad monarhom.

Norveška je bila upravljana kao provincija Danske, i ostala je pod danskom dominacijom do 1814. Ugovorom iz Kiela, 14. siječnja 1814, Norvešku je kralj Danske ustupio švedskom kralju u zamjenu za pomoć protiv Napoleona. No, norveški narod proglasio se neovisnim kraljevstvom kojim će upravljati ustavna monarhija te je za svog kralja izabrao danskog princa Christiana Fredericka.

Ideali francuskog prosvjetiteljstva relativno su rano došli u Norvešku. Kad su norveški oci utemeljitelji 1814. izradili Ustav, kopija Ustava SAD -a stavljena je na stol Ustavne komisije. Norveški ustav donijela je 17. svibnja 1814. godine Ustavotvorna skupština u Eidsvollu. Ovaj ustav je još uvijek na snazi ​​i nije bilo njegovih značajnih izmjena, čak i ako su izvršene brojne izmjene. Norveški Ustav od 17. svibnja drugi je najstariji ustav na svijetu, samo je Ustav SAD -a iz 1787. godine stariji. To je dokument koji podržava građansku vjeru zemlje, kao i Ustav SAD -a. Norveška građanska religija je, naravno, povezana i s položajem norveške državne crkve i njenom religijom.

Strane sile odbile su priznati izbor princa Christiana Fredericka i postajalo je sve očiglednije da neće priznati potpunu neovisnost Norveške. Norveški domoljubi stoga je bilo drago prihvatiti ponudu Charlesa Johna Bernadottea, švedskog prijestolonasljednika, da prizna ustav Norveške pod uvjetom da se to kraljevstvo podvrgne labavoj uniji sa Švedskom. Tako je 14. kolovoza donesena konvencija koja je proglasila neovisnost Norveške u savezu sa Švedskom. Nakon toga je 4. studenog uslijedio izbor Karla XIII za norveškog kralja.

Činom od 4. studenog 1814. norveški Storthing priznao je uniju. Prema govoru kralja švedskom Rigsdagu, trebalo je postići savršenu jednakost između dvaju kraljevstava, ali ta "savršena jednakost", ipak, nije uspostavljena u praksi, kao što su diplomacija i vanjski poslovi, kao i predstavljanje oba kraljevstva na stranim dvorima, ostala su u rukama švedske vlade. No, to je bila praksa koja se temeljila na neopravdanim pravima, budući da Švedskoj akt Unije nije dao takvu privilegiju.

Dvije su zemlje bile slabo spojene, svaka je imala svoj ustav, ali dvije su bile ujedinjene pod jednim kraljem. Taj je dogovor trajao tijekom cijelog devetnaestog stoljeća zbog umjerenosti i razboritosti vladara, ali interesi dvaju naroda bili su nespojivi i različiti. Švedski kraljevi uvijek su željeli ojačati svoju državu stvaranjem bliže unije dviju zemalja i poštovanjem dva ista interesa za zajednički narod Norveške, s različitim idejama i željama, poželio je da ne postoji unija u sve, i nastojali su da se to učini labavijim. Švedska je bila veća i naseljenija, ali iako je u zemlji bilo više bogatstva, bogatstvo i moć bili su koncentrirani u rukama plemića i aristokracije, ostavljajući masu ljudi bez imovine ili političke moći. Vlada je bila u cijelosti u rukama kralja, provjeravana, kad je uopće, samo skupština imanja, nešto poput onih koja su nestala u Engleskoj i Španjolskoj mnogo prije, i poput onih koja su uskrsnula u Francuskoj 1789. godine.

Prva stvarna borba između zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti bila je po pitanju ukidanja privilegija plemstva. Liberalni zakon o pravu glasa na prvim je izborima proizveo antifeudalnu većinu u Storthingu, a na zasjedanju 1816. odmah je stavio ruku na srednjovjekovne imunitete i franšize plemića, ukinuvši ih sve sa jednim zamahom. Kralj, Karlo XIII., Jedva je znao hoće li ovaj čin smatrati pokušajem promjene ustava ili jednostavnim zakonom. To je svakako bilo upitno. Istina je da ti imuniteti i privilegije nisu bili osigurani plemićima u ustavu, ali su pružili najznačajniji i najvažniji element u uvjetima i odnosima društva na kojem je ustav utemeljen. Ovim projektom nastojalo se, dakle, promijeniti društvena osnova ustava, ako ne i sam ustav. Prevladalo je, međutim, mišljenje i u Storthingu i u ministarstvu, da se ta mjera ne smije smatrati predloženom izmjenom ustava, te da je stoga podložna samo suspenzivnom vetu krune. Ovo je kralj ubacio. Na zasjedanju 1819. Storthing je ponovno izradio projekt, a novi kralj, Charles XIV. John (Bernadotte), ponovno stavio veto. Na zasjedanju 1821. Storthing je pokazao svoju odlučnost da tu mjeru donese po treći put. Kralj, koji uopće nije bio toliko posvećen interesima plemića kao njegov prethodnik, jer je, između ostalog, od spletki koje su formirali protiv njegova nasljeđa 1817., daleko manje mario za sadržaj zakona nego ugrožen način njezina donošenja. Njegova glavna misao bila je, kako se spasiti od žalosti nadjačanog veta. Stoga je Storthingu predložio kompromis, nudeći pristanak na smanjenje imuniteta i privilegija plemićke klase, uz naknadu za gubitak. Storthing je, međutim, popustio samo toliko da je obećao obeštećenje. Kralj je odlučio potpisati račun u ovom obliku, a ne dopustiti da se njegova vlast uspješno usprotivi.

U razdoblju od c. 1820. do 1900. stvorena su mnoga remek -djela u povijesti umjetnosti Norveške. Umjetnici i njihova visokokvalitetna djela nedvojbeno su dio neovisne povijesti zemlje i bili su kamen temeljac norveškog identiteta. Većina umjetnika otišla je studirati u inozemstvo, neke od poznatih akademija bile su u Kopenhagenu, Düsseldorfu, Münchenu, Karlsruheu, Berlinu, Parizu i Rimu. Općenito su se vratili kući nakon određenog vremena, ali neki su se nastanili na stalnoj bazi. Nekolicina je postala čak i profesorima na akademijama u svojoj novoj zemlji. Međutim, gotovo bez iznimke, svi su oni redovito obilazili Norvešku kako bi se nadahnuli norveškim krajolicima, Fjordovima, jezerima, planinama i ljudima. Jedna od najizrazitijih značajki tog razdoblja je riječ "kvaliteta". Umjetnička kvaliteta svakako je upečatljiva, ali i tehnička vještina.

Bernadotte, kralj građanin, umro je 1844. godine, a na prijestolje je naslijedio njegov sin Oscar I. Novi kralj bio je, dok je bio princ, vicekralj Norveške, a Norvežani su ga jako voljeli. Njegovim pristupom prestala je borba između krune i Storthinga oko tumačenja ustava. Nije dao nikakve prijedloge za promjenu organskog zakona, a oni su prema njemu bili velikodušniji u svim svojim zakonodavnim aktima. Činilo se da ima doista državničko shvaćanje međunarodnih odnosa i međunarodnog poziva svoje države. U Rusiji je prepoznao svog najopasnijeg neprijatelja, a u Njemačkoj i Engleskoj svoje najiskrenije prijatelje.

U Norveškoj, dok su resursi zemlje bili mali, a tlo siromašno, zemlja se podijelila velikom broju malih poljoprivrednika, bilo je mnogo demokratskih osjećaja, a ustav donesen 1814. stavio je vladu u ruke Storthing ili zakonodavno tijelo, u kojem su predstavnike birali glasači čija je franšiza ovisila o niskoj imovinskoj kvalifikaciji. U devetnaestom stoljeću Industrijska revolucija postupno je postala važna u Švedskoj, a zatim je njezinoj poljoprivredi dodana proizvodnja. U Norveškoj je trgovina bila razvijena sve dok norveška trgovačka marina nije bila četvrta po veličini u svijetu. U vanjskim odnosima Norvešku su sve više privlačili Engleska i Francuska, dok je Švedska, negodujući zbog ruskog zauzimanja Finske i uvijek u strahu od daljnjeg širenja Rusije prema moru, sve više oponašala njemačke metode i suosjećala s njezinom svrhom i željama.

Dva su se naroda sve više udaljavala. 1863. donet je švedski ustav sa parlamentom poput onih u zapadnoj Europi, ali je velika moć prepuštena kralju, a također i bogatim višim klasama. U međuvremenu je Norveška postala sve liberalnija i demokratičnija. Prije pristupanja Oscara II., 1872., prevladavajuća činjenica u političkom razvoju kraljevstva bio je postupni rast parlamentarne moći predstavnika seljaštva. Između 1814. i 1830. poslovanje Storthinga gotovo su u potpunosti vodili pripadnici viših i službenih klasa, ali se tijekom desetljeća 1830.-1840. Seljaštvo uzdiglo do pozicije vrlo utjecajne klase u javnim poslovima nacije. Prvi od takozvanih "seljačkih napada" bio je onaj iz 1833. U njemu su seljački predstavnici brojali četrdeset pet, više od polovice tijela. Pod vodstvom Olea Uelanda, koji je bio član svakog Storthinga između 1833. i 1869., seljačka je stranka donijela svoje najvažnije pitanje, u pravilu, smanjenje poreza i praksu gospodarstva u nacionalnim financijama.

Nakon 1870. intenziviranje švedsko-norveškog pitanja dovelo je do ponovnog oživljavanja stranačkih linija, pa se do razdvajanja 1905. nova grupacija nastavila prilično stabilnom. Spajanjem seljačke stranke, koju je vodio Jaabaek, i takozvane stranke "odvjetnika", koju je vodio Johan Sverdrup, u sedamdesetima je nastala velika liberalna stranka (Venstre ili ljevica) čija je temeljna svrha bila štiti slobode Norveške od švedske agresije.

Do 1884. godine ova stranka nacionalizma bila je dužna zadovoljiti se ulogom opozicije. Vlada je još bila pod kontrolom konzervativaca, čiji je stav prema Švedskoj bio izrazito pomirljiv. Godine 1880. vođa konzervativaca, Frederick Stang, dao je ostavku na mjesto premijera, ali njegov nasljednik bio je drugi konzervativac, Selmer. Na izborima 1882. liberali su dobili ne manje od 82 od 114 mjesta u Storthingu. Ipak, konzervativci su odbili popustiti.

U međuvremenu je Odelsthing doveo cijelo ministarstvo do opoziva pred Rigsretom zbog savjetovanja kralja da uloži svoj veto na mjeru dajući ministrima mjesta u parlamentu. Početkom 1883. Selmer i sedam njegovih kolega osuđeni su na oduzimanje ureda, a preostala trojica su kažnjeni. Ožujka 1884. kralj je objavio svoju namjeru da se pridržava odluke suda, što mu je bilo neukusno, a od Selmerove vlade zatražena je ostavka. Pokušaj produženja mandata konzervativaca potpuno je propao, pa je 23. lipnja 1884. kralj poslao Sverdrup i odobrio formiranje prvog liberalnog ministarstva u povijesti Norveške. Glavno postignuće nove vlade bilo je konačno donošenje dugo osporavane mjere prema saborskim mjestima za ministre. Kralj je ovom projektu konačno dao svoj pristanak.

1884. uspostavljeno je pravo glasa za muškarce. Godine 1901. dala je općinsku franšizu ženama poreznim obveznicima, a šest godina kasnije to je uslijedilo dajući parlamentarnu franšizu ženama i dopuštajući im da sjede u Storthingu. Štoviše, u Norveškoj je proveden veliki književni nacionalni preporod, pa su ljudi postali svjesniji svoje nacionalnosti i željniji potpune neovisnosti. Dugo su inzistirali na tome da trebaju imati zasebnu zastavu, a posebno na tome da im ogromna plovidba daje pravo da imenuju svoje konzule u inozemstvu. Švedska je to odbila dopustiti, a pojavila se velika napetost, međutim, zbog suzdržanosti i umjerenosti s obje strane, nikada nije bilo pribjegavanja oružju.

Ministarstvo Sverdrupa izdržalo je gotovo točno četiri godine. 1887. stranka koja ga podržava podržala se oko pitanja crkvene politike, a na izborima 1888. konzervativci su dobili pedeset i jedno mjesto, dok se od šezdeset i tri liberala vratilo samo dvadeset i šest koji su uistinu bili naklonjeni Sverdrupu. 12. srpnja 1889. Sverdrup i njegovi kolege dali su ostavku. Zatim je uslijedio brzi uzastopni niz ministarstava, od kojih je gotovo svako doživjelo svoju sudbinu, prije ili kasnije, na neko pitanje koje se odnosilo na švedsku uniju: (1) na pitanje Emila Stanga 1 (konzervativno), od 12. srpnja 1889. do 5. ožujka , 1891. (2) ono Johannesa Steena (liberala), koje je trajalo do travnja 1893. (3) drugo ministarstvo u državi, do veljače 1895. i (4) koalicijsko ministarstvo profesora Hagerupa, do veljače 1898. godine.

Na izborima 1897. liberali su odnijeli signalnu pobjedu, noseći sedamdeset devet od sto četrnaest mjesta, a u veljači sljedeće godine osnovano je drugo ministarstvo Steena, pod čijim je vodstvom, kako se pokazalo, provedeno zakon koji uvodi muško pravo glasa. Steen je otišao u mirovinu u travnju 1902., a druga liberalna vlada, Blehrova, bila je na dužnosti do listopada 1903. Na izborima 1903. konzervativci i umjereni ljudi dobili su šezdeset tri mjesta, liberali pedeset, a socijalisti četiri. Drugo ministarstvo Hagerupa ispunilo je razdoblje između 23. listopada 1903. i 1. ožujka 1905., a nakon njegova umirovljenja osnovano je, pod okolnostima koje su uključivale privremeno potpuno, ali potpuno uništavanje stranačkih linija, koalicijsko ministarstvo pod vodstvom Christiana Michelsena, odmah je došlo do odvajanja od Švedske i ustavnih prilagodbi 1905. godine.

Konačno, 1905. godine Storthing je proglasio neovisnost Norveške. Raspad unije između Norveške i Švedske bio je rezultat sukoba oko pitanja zasebne norveške konzularne službe. Činjenica da Norveška nije imala vlastite misije vanjskih službi i da je bila podređena Švedskoj u svim pitanjima vanjske politike, bila je jasan pokazatelj manje uloge Norveške u uniji. U Norveškoj se pojavio novi osjećaj nacionalnog identiteta i to je pitanje postalo iznimno kontroverzno.

Storting (norveška nacionalna skupština) donio je odluku o osnivanju norveške konzularne službe, ali ju je kralj Oscar II odbio sankcionirati. Zbog toga je norveška vlada podnijela ostavku. Kralj nije mogao imenovati novu vladu, što je značilo da unija između dvije zemlje pod zajedničkim kraljem više nije bila stvarnost. Storting je 7. lipnja 1905. donio rezoluciju o jednostranom raspuštanju unije.

Šveđani, iako moćniji, mudro su odlučili ne pokušavati natjerati svoje susjede natrag u neukusnu vjernost koja im ne koristi, pa su pristali na razdvajanje. Danski princ pozvan je za kralja, ali je monarhija bila ograničena i demokratska kao u Engleskoj. 1907. Velika Britanija, Francuska, Njemačka i Rusija potpisale su ugovor s norveškim predstavnicima koji jamči integritet i neutralnost Norveške. Ubrzo su obnovljeni dobri odnosi između dviju skandinavskih zemalja, unatoč činjenici da se u Švedskoj zadržalo nešto ogorčenosti. Dvije su zemlje, prema tome, mirno nastavile svoje odvojene puteve.


Nezavisnost Norveške

Cyril Falls opisuje raspad unije Norveške i Švedske, te kasnije uskrsnuće danskog princa na norveško prijestolje.

Norveška je kroz stoljeća bila podijeljena među sitne kraljeve, bila je neovisno kraljevstvo, činila dio jedinstvene Skandinavije, pridružila se samo Danskoj i samo Švedskoj, a posljednjih pedeset godina ponovno je bila neovisno kraljevstvo.

Prije pedeset godina uništena je unija sa Švedskom, a princ kraljevske danske kuće postao je kralj izborom. Mladić koji je 27. studenog 1905. u dansku kraljevsku jahtu stigao u Christiania (sada Oslo) Dannebrog i dalje je kralj Norveške.

Unija s Danskom započela je 1380. Ubrzo nakon toga, 1396., cijela je Skandinavija došla pod vlast danskog monarha, pa je tako općenito ostala do 1523., kada je u Švedskoj otvorena dinastija Vasa. Rana povezanost između Norveške i Danske bila je gotovo čisto dinastička, a pravo dansko razdoblje može datirati iz 1536.

Za nastavak čitanja ovog članka morat ćete kupiti pristup internetskoj arhivi.

Ako ste već kupili pristup ili ste pretplatnik na ispis & amp arhivu, provjerite jeste li prijavljeni.


Povijest je odredila: Zašto Švedska i Finska neće biti više od NATO partnera

Kad je prošli tjedan počeo summit u Varšavi, čelnicima 28 država članica NATO -a pridružile su se njihove kolege iz dvije od najbližih partnerskih zemalja saveza, Švedske i Finske. To bi bilo nemoguće prije 20 godina, ali od tada se mnogo toga dogodilo. Budući da je regija oko Baltičkog mora postala žarište geopolitičkog sukoba, švedski premijer Stefan Löfven i finski predsjednik Sauli Niinistö nastavit će koračati finom linijom produbljivanja suradnje s NATO -om bez pretjeranog otežavanja Moskve.

Sredinom devedesetih Švedska i Finska pridružile su se NATO -ovom Partnerstvu za mir (PzM) zajedno s Rusijom i nekoliko drugih zemalja koje su sada članice NATO -a. Cilj Partnerstva za mir bio je ponuditi zemljama način razvoja njihovih individualnih odnosa prema NATO -u. Međutim, kako je James Goldgeier jučer dotakao Rat na stijenama, većina zemalja koje su se pridružile, vjerojatno su koristile Partnerstvo za mir kao put prema budućem članstvu u NATO -u. Švedska, Finska i Rusija upravo su koristile Partnerstvo za mir kao sredstvo za suradnju. Rat u Gruziji 2008. i novija invazija Rusije na Ukrajinu promijenili su ovu dinamiku. Dvije nordijske zemlje sada čine sve što mogu kako bi poboljšale svoju sigurnost i odnose s NATO -om, a da se zapravo i ne prijave za članstvo.

Da bismo razumjeli kontekst ovih izbora, potrebno je pogledati unatrag u povijest kako bismo stekli uvažavanje događaja, vrijednosti i geopolitike koji još uvijek čine osnovu švedske i finske sigurnosne politike. Dvije su zemlje usko povezane - Finska je činila istočnu polovicu Švedske do 1809. godine, kada je Švedska ustupila Finsku Rusiji sa Fredrikshamnski ugovor. To je označilo kraj nekoliko stotina godina ratova između Švedske i Rusije za hegemoniju nad Baltičkim morem. Švedska je pokušala kontrolirati more svojim trgovačkim putevima, dok je Rusija namjeravala proširiti svoj prozor prema Zapadu, budući da je prethodno bila istisnuta na samo mali pojas zemlje u blizini Sankt Peterburga. Za Švedsku je mir značio drastično skraćivanje ranjive kopnene granice s Rusijom.

1814. je posljednji put Švedska otvoreno ratovala s drugom zemljom. Pridružila se savezu protiv Napoleona kako bi odvojila Norvešku od pro-Napoleonove Danske. Uobičajeno mišljenje Švedske je da je od tada neutralna, ali to je netočno. Tijekom Krimskog rata, Švedska je bila na rubu pridruživanja Britanije i Francuske sa ambicijom da ponovno zauzme Finsku kada je rat završio 1856. Ipak, francuske i britanske pomorske snage već su koristile švedski otok Gotland kao bazu operacija protiv Rusije u Baltičkom moru. Tijekom Prvog svjetskog rata Švedska je proglasila neutralnost. To je bio slučaj i tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata, osim Rusko-finskog zimskog rata, u kojem se Švedska izjasnila kao ne ratoborna, ali je dopustila da se znatne dobrovoljačke jedinice iz svoje vojske i zračnih snaga rasporede u potporu finskim snagama.

Nakon mira 1809., Finska je postala rusko Veliko vojvodstvo Finska sve dok nije proglasila neovisnost nedugo nakon Lenjinove boljševičke revolucije. Nezavisnost Finske poštivala se do studenog 1939. godine, kada je Sovjetski Savez napao Finsku. To je rezultat Pakta Molotov-Ribbentrop između Sovjetskog Saveza i nacističke Njemačke, gdje su istočna Poljska, baltičke države i Finska činile teritorij koji je potpao pod sovjetsku sferu utjecaja. Finska, koja je proglasila neutralnost nakon njemačke invazije na Poljsku kao i ostale nordijske zemlje, našla se u egzistencijalnoj borbi bez ikakve moguće otvorene podrške saveznika ili Švedske. Saveznici su bili odsječeni od Baltičkog mora i nisu mogli proći kroz neutralne Norvešku i Švedsku. Švedska je započela masovno smanjenje potrošnje na obranu tijekom 1920-ih i planirala samo prijetnju iz jednog smjera, ali se sada našla istodobno ugrožena od Sovjetskog Saveza na istoku i njegovog tadašnjeg partnera nacističke Njemačke na jugu. Švedska je također postala zabrinuta zbog mogućih savezničkih ekspedicijskih snaga koje su morale probiti svoj put kroz sjevernu Švedsku kako bi prekinule opskrbu njemačke željezne rude pod izgovorom da pomažu Finskoj.

Nakon što je u proljeće 1940. bila prisiljena potpisati mirovni ugovor sa Sovjetskim Savezom, Finska se u kasno proljeće 1941. pridružila nacističkoj Njemačkoj kako bi pokušala povratiti teritorij koji je ustupila. Kad se rat okrenuo, Finska je ponovno sklopila mir sa Sovjetskim Savezom i umjesto toga morala je istisnuti njemačke snage iz Finske. U Ugovor o prijateljstvu, suradnji i uzajamnoj pomoći nametnut od Sovjetskog Saveza, Finska je obećala da će se pridržavati neutralnosti osim ako sama zemlja nije napadnuta. To je rezultiralo jakim, otvoreno neutralnim finskim stajalištem u vanjskoj i sigurnosnoj politici. Ugovor je poništen 1992. godine i zamijenjen novim, liberalnijim ugovorom o prijateljskim odnosima.

Iskustva Drugoga svjetskog rata bila su formativna za švedsku i finsku sigurnosnu politiku i još uvijek utječu na sigurnosnu politiku zemalja. Švedska je bila jedina nordijska zemlja koja je uspjela izbjeći rat, što je uspjeh njene politike neutralnosti. Ipak, moglo bi se reći da su zapravo iznimke koje je Švedska napravila u svojoj politici neutralnosti, u obliku ustupaka saveznicima i nacističkoj Njemačkoj, držale tu zemlju izvan Drugoga svjetskog rata. Finska je iz Drugog svjetskog rata izašla s dva iskustva. Prvo, da je zemlja bila u lošem položaju da prima bilo kakvu pomoć izvana u slučaju rata, te da će stoga uvijek ovisiti o vlastitim sposobnostima za obranu svojih interesa i neovisnosti. Drugo, da bi morala pomno balansirati vlastite interese s interesima Sovjetskog Saveza/Rusije zahvaljujući njihovoj dugoj kopnenoj granici.

Nakon rata Švedska je pokušala uspostaviti nordijski obrambeni savez. To su odbile Danska i Norveška koje su 1949. umjesto toga odlučile ući u NATO. Švedska je pribjegla službenoj politici nesvrstanosti u mirnodopsko doba i usmjerila se na neutralnost u vrijeme rata. Koliko god ovo danas izgledalo čudno, za to je postojao dobar razlog. Da je Švedska u to vrijeme pristupila NATO -u, to bi vjerojatno uzrokovalo da Sovjetski Savez pojača svoj stisak nad već pokorenom Finskom, možda je čak i pripoji. To ne bi koristilo ni Švedskoj, koja bi tada ponovno imala svoju kopnenu granicu sa Sovjetskim Savezom, niti NATO -u, koji bi bio suočen s još dužom granicom sa Sovjetskim Savezom. Politika neutralnosti i iskustvo okruženosti tijekom Drugog svjetskog rata doveli su do toga da Švedska, poput Finske, ulaže velika sredstva u vjerodostojne suverene vojne sposobnosti. U isto vrijeme, Švedska će nastaviti prikriveno vrlo blisko surađivati ​​s NATO -om, prvenstveno Sjedinjenim Državama. Jedan primjer za to bila je vrlo bliska obavještajna suradnja tijekom Hladnog rata. Drugi razlog koji je utjecao na švedski izbor neutralnosti mogao je biti pokušaj da se izbjegne početna nuklearna razmjena između dva bloka.

Padom Varšavskog pakta i Sovjetskog Saveza, ograničenja Moskve prema Finskoj su popustila, a Švedska je vidjela nove mogućnosti za poboljšanje svoje sigurnosti. Kad su se tri baltičke države osamostalile, Švedska je iskoristila priliku da podrži njihovo stvaranje obrambenih snaga uz smanjenje vlastitih snaga. Slanjem jednog kompletnog kompleta brigadne opreme svakoj baltičkoj državi, Švedska je pomogla tri mlade države u njihovoj neovisnosti, istovremeno jačajući vlastitu sigurnost. Časnici iz baltičkih država također su se školovali na švedskim akademijama za obranu, a baltičke jedinice obučavali su švedski mentori.

Baltičke države oduvijek su bile važne za Švedsku, bilo u 17. stoljeću ili danas. Zemlje imaju zajedničku povijest, a Švedska poboljšava vlastitu sigurnost podržavajući obranu baltičkih država. To je vjerojatno i jedan od razloga jednostrane švedske izjave o solidarnosti 2009. sa nordijskim i baltičkim državama. U slučaju napada na jednu od ovih zemalja, Švedska bi joj priskočila u pomoć i očekuje da će to učiniti i druge zemlje. Deklaracija je otada ponovljena u nekoliko parlamentarnih zakona o obrani. Finska nije ponudila sličnu deklaraciju, ali je poput Švedske koju obvezuje EU. Članak 42.7 Lisabonskog ugovora (ekvivalent Europske unije članku 5 NATO -a). Ovaj članak, međutim, ostavlja prostor za "poseban karakter sigurnosne i obrambene politike određenih država članica".

Događaji nakon okupacije Rusije i aneksije Krima i njenog rata u istočnoj Ukrajini natjerali su Švedsku i Finsku da usred spora Zapada s Rusijom. Finska sada ima većinu granice EU s Rusijom.

I za Švedsku i za Finsku od vitalnog je interesa da je NATO uspješan u osiguranju i obrani baltičkih država. Analiza Švedske agencije za obrambena istraživanja pokazuje da regija koja okružuje Baltičko more predstavlja jedno pozornicu operacija u slučaju rata. Ovo gledište također se odražava u izvješćima Švedske parlamentarne komisije za obranu od 2007. godine nadalje, u kojima se navodi da je nemoguće predvidjeti vojni sukob u nordijskoj regiji koji bi utjecao samo na jednu od zemalja. Bliska operativna međuovisnost regije također je jedan od razloga zašto su Švedska i Finska pozvane na summit NATO -a u Varšavi. Švedski otok Gotland, koji se nalazi usred Baltičkog mora, kroz stoljeća je bio strateški važan teren i takav je ostao i danas. Kao posljedica ruske kupole protiv pristupa/zabrane područja iznad Kalinjingrada, NATO-ove komunikacijske linije za jačanje baltičkih država gurnute su prema sjeveru. Kao što je pokazalo nekoliko analiza i simulacija (vidi i kritike), NATO bi trebao koristiti baze u Švedskoj za obranu baltičkih država. Likewise, Finland dominates the Gulf of Finland, which constitutes Russia’s maritime and airborne access route to the Baltic Sea and Kaliningrad.

For Sweden, one of the first wake-up calls of a resurgent Russia was the simulated nuclear attack on Sweden by Russian bombers on the night of Easter Friday in 2013. Both Finland and Sweden have since signed host-nation support agreements with NATO to speed up the process of hosting NATO forces when needed. So why don’t Sweden and Finland just join NATO? Both countries have been very active partners of NATO for many years and are in many respects more NATO-interoperable than several NATO members. For instance, both countries participate in the NATO Response Force and both regularly participate in major NATO exercises and operations.

The reason for not joining is partly a question about identity. Both countries have strong public narratives that support non-alignment and even neutrality, even though public support for NATO membership has increased during the last few years, especially in Sweden. Both countries also understand that it would be advantageous to apply at the same time to avoid provoking a stronger Russian reaction. When Finland signed established its host-nation support agreement with NATO in 2014, it passed smoothly, without outside influence. Yet in Sweden, Russia tried to influence the debate of ratification of the agreement, according to the Swedish security service.

However, the non-alignment line of both countries may offer Russia an opening to drive a wedge between the two states and their partners in NATO by playing on their status and reinforcing the narrative of neutrality. This was also the narrative used by president Putin in his meeting with president Niinistö in the beginning of July. During the Q&A session, Putin falsely stated that Russia had withdrawn its forces 1500 kilometers from Finland’s borders in recognition of Finland’s neutrality. Should this change, he warned, Russia would have to react militarily. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov used similar narratives in late April when he told one of Sweden’s major newspapers that Russia would react militarily to Sweden joining NATO. In June, Lavrov stated that “serious and honest politicians know that Russia will never attack any member country of the North Atlantic Alliance.”

Ambiguity is always present in the Russian narrative regarding the meaning of NATO membership for Sweden and Finland. Putin’s thrice-repeated figure about withdrawing 1500 kilometers from the Finnish border caused surprise among the audience, as this would mean that Russia would have abandoned all its bases on the Kola Peninsula and all military installations west of the Ural Mountains. The question is why Putin would make such a statement when it is so easily exposed as false. If Russia would never attack a NATO country, the choice for Sweden and Finland would be easy. Another interpretation of Lavrov’s statement is that countries with intent of joining NATO remain fair prey for Russia if they happen to be in Moscow’s sphere of interest, as in the case of Georgia in 2008. It is also this period between application and membership that Finland’s recently released third NATO report warns about, even though the assessment is that such a crisis may not lead to open conflict. The thin line Löfven and Niinistö continued to walk in Warsaw was to show enough interest and commitment to NATO and the defense of the Baltic states and Poland without severely provoking Russia.

This will be a continuation of the path the two countries have embarked in strengthening their defenses without passing the line of becoming members of NATO. This is the path of close bilateral defense cooperation extending beyond peacetime exercises. Some of the measures included in such cooperation are the establishment of a combined naval task group and the possibility of basing air forces in other each other’s countries. These measures enable greater operational depth, whereby Finnish F-18 Hornets can be based in more secure locations in Sweden in wartime, and Swedish naval assets can operate with their Finnish counterparts in the Gulf of Finland. On the strategic level, the two countries are once again faced with echoes of history. In effect, the agreement means that Sweden once again has a long land border with Russia and that Finland must plan for naval operations in the Southern Baltic Sea.

The question is finally whether a consensus could be reached within NATO to accept Sweden and Finland as new members. Finland’s position just next to Russia and the latter’s geostrategic nuclear second-strike capability may be too much to stomach for some of NATO’s member states who fear provoking Moscow. Russia’s concern for its sphere of interest is nothing new, but in the case of the Nordic countries, the stakes are somewhat higher. Finland directly borders the Kola Peninsula, which holds the majority of Russia’s nuclear second-strike capability in the form of nuclear ballistic missile submarines.

Sweden and Finland will continue their policies of close partnerships with NATO without applying for membership. Both countries will continue to seek strong bilateral partnerships, not only with each other, but also with other major Western partners, such as the cooperation agreements that Sweden recently signed with the United Kingdom, the United States, and neighboring countries. By doing so, Sweden and Finland can strengthen their security while avoiding aggravating Moscow too much. Moscow will always have to take into account that if it pursues its ambitions too forcefully, the two countries may finally seek a full membership in NATO.


Greenland

The first Nordic settlers in Greenland reached the island in 985 under the leadership of Erik the Red. Two colonies were established on the western coast, one near Godthåb (modern Nuuk) and one near Julianehåb (almost at the southern tip of the island), where a few thousand Norsemen engaged in cattle breeding, fishing, and sealing. The most important export was walrus tusks. A bishopric and two cloisters were organized in Greenland. The Greenlanders lacked wood and iron for shipbuilding and could not support communications with Europe in 1261 they submitted to the Norwegian king, to whom they agreed to pay taxes in return for his acceptance of responsibility for the island’s provision through a yearly voyage. A worsening of the climate may have occurred early in the 14th century, resulting in a decline in agriculture and livestock breeding. Plagues ravaged the populace the Black Death alone is estimated to have halved the population. When Norway, with Greenland and Iceland, became subject to the Danish king, conditions worsened the only ships that then sailed to Greenland belonged to pirates. About 1350 the Godthåb settlement apparently was deserted and then occupied by Eskimo (Inuit), and in 1379 the Julianehåb area was attacked. The last certain notice of Norsemen in Greenland was about 1410 sometime during the following 150 years they disappeared from the island. It was not until the beginning of the 18th century that Greenland again came into the Danish sphere.


The long goodbye to Scandinavian Paganism and the Christianization of three realms

Prior to Christianity, the lands of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway saw the worship of an amalgamation of deities known most widely as the Aesir and Vanir. The Aesir were the primary gods, ruled by the wise, one-eyed Odin, though the worship of the strong thunder god Thor rivalled him. The Vanir were fertility gods, as highly valued as the Aesir, later becoming a subclass within them. But by the 10 th century, Christianity had brought an end to their polytheistic worship , culminating in three new realms unified under one faith.

The Aesir and Vanir are two branches of Norse gods and goddesses who merged with each other to create one whole tribe. Izvor slike .

The Christianization of Scandinavia was a long and painful process, filled with blood, sweat, and war. Denmark was the most easily transformed, as the Viking raids slowly introduced the religion through the Christian wives and slaves brought back as war prizes. The Danes were often in contact with England and Normandy, allowing them continued exposure to the new religion via political avenues as well. Thus there was little struggle in assimilating the two faiths, and they were able to coexist under the individual decrees of the Danish tribal leaders. It was King Harald Bluetooth who most firmly began this assimilation in the 930s, his own baptism propelling the religion to the forefront of Danish culture, unifying the tribes under this religious flag. The canonization of Canute IV in the 12 th century, the Christian ruler of Denmark in the late 1000s, cemented Christianity as Denmark's official religion.

King Harald Bluetooth depicted on the left. Izvor slike: Wikipedija

The earliest recordings of Christianity in Sweden were in the 700s, and in the 830s, Saint Ansgar, a monk on a mission to bring Christianity to Northern Europe, came to her shores to spread word of the new faith at the bid of the Swedish king. His church at Birka was highly rejected however, so it was not until Olof Skötkonung, the first Christian king of Sweden, agreed to a toleration of the two faiths in the late 900s that Christianity found a place in Swedish culture. He established the first episcopal center in Skara rather than near Uppsala in Uppland, as there is written documentation that the largest worship center to the Norse gods existed at Uppsala. There is scarce archaeological evidence of the great temple of Uppsala, recorded by Christian writer Adam of Bremen, however in light of Adam's writings, it is believed Skara was Olof's choice location in an attempt to avoid a war between the followers of the two faiths. It was King Inge in the 1080s who disregarded the risks of war and ended the sacrifices at Uppsala, ultimately serving as the moment of transition to Christianity in Sweden. Though the result of this instance was Inge's temporary exile by his brother, by the year 1130 Christianity gained a permanent stronghold in Sweden and spread to become the foremost religion in the land.

Saint Ansgar, Christian monk who sought to bring Christianity to northern Europe. Izvor slike: Wikipedija

Norway was the most difficult to transform from polytheism to Christianity as its history was filled with rulers who constantly dictated the religion. The most conflict was seen during a fifty year period, 950-1000 CE, under King Haakon, a soft-handed pioneer of the Christian faith. Haakon's method was similar to Constantine's in the Byzantine Roman Empire, resulting in an attempt at a midway approach: temples were left to the pagans with churches built right beside them and though he refused on his own part to sacrifice to the Aesir and Vanir, he also refused to punish those who continued this practice. Haakon was able to begin the spread of Christianity throughout this region by showing kindness to the established polytheistic religion, enforcing the new while never exiling the old.

Unfortunately, King Haakon, like Bluetooth and Olof, was a rare sort during this period. Upon his death, Jarl (Earl) Haakon replaced him, himself a pagan man. All the Christianization that King Haakon had established was utterly destroyed and a heavier emphasis was placed on the existing Aesir and Vanir. In acting this way, not only did Jarl Haakon create a stricter war against Christianity but in the years to come, he forged a reason for the Norwegian Christians to detest the Aesir followers. With the end of the 10 th century, the Christian king Olaf Tryggvason was very much ready to eliminate what he believed were narrow-minded, hate-filled followers.

Haakon Jarl by Christian Krohg. Image source: Wikipedia

Though Tryggvason only ruled for five years, from 955-1000 CE, he made certain that they were prolific years. He travelled all over Norway to enforce the Christian faith, destroying pagan areas of worship and the banqueting hofs that were utilized for specific rituals. Those who refused to submit to the new religion were tortured and punished—his approach completely unyielding where King Haakon's had been gentle and kind. In response to the harshness of jarls like Jarl Haakon, Tryggvason had no sympathy. By the end of the 12 th century, Tryggvason's successors saw Christianity dominate in Norway.

King Olaf Tryggvason of Norway's arrival to Norway. Based on drawing by Peter Nicolai Arbo (Norway 1831-1892). Izvor slike: Wikipedija

With the rise of the new religion came a need for Christian buildings. Though the Norse gods were not necessarily worshipped in any religious structure, Christianity certainly was—one of the dividing factors between the two faiths. Far from the mainland of Europe, the only structures the Scandinavians had to draw from were the banqueting hofs of their jarls and kings, and the ships that served the Vikings for three hundred years. Their first church buildings were modelled most specifically from their longships, towering structures that loomed toward the sky like the future Gothic cathedrals with dragon heads on the roof reflecting the strength and power of their sea-faring past. These churches, called stave churches because of the stavs at the heart of their post and lintel structure, were the highlight and symbol of the new religion that had swept through Scandinavia and became a symbol of the unification between the three lands.

Featured image: Haakon the Good, by Peter Nicolai Arbo. Izvor slike: Wikipedija

Colleen Batey, Helen Clarke, R.I Page, and Neil Price, Cultural Atlas of the Viking World (Oxford Limited: Oxford, 1994.)

H.R. Elllis Davidson, The Lost Beliefs of Northern Europe (Routledge: London, 1993.)

H.R. Elllis Davidson, Myths and Symbols of Pagan Europe: early Scandinavia and Celtic religions (Syracuse University Press: New York, 1988.)

Thomas A. DuBois, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age (University of Pennsylvania Press: Philadelphia, 1999.)

Benjamin Hudson. Viking Pirates and Christian Princes: Dynasty, Religion, and Empire in North America (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 2005.)

Robert Kellog, Sage Islanđana (Penguin Classics Deluxe: US, 2001.)

Neil Price, Svijet Vikinga (Routledge: London, 2008.)

Alexandra Sanmark. Power and conversion: a comparative study of Christianization in Scandinavia Uppsala (Odsjek za arheologiju i antičku povijest: Sveučilište Uppsala, 2002.)

Snorri Sturluson, The Poetic Edda , prijevod Lee M. Hollander (University of Texas Press: Austin, 2011.)

Martina Sprague. Sweden: An Illustrated History (Hippocrene Books: New York, 2005.)


Charles XIV John

Naši urednici će pregledati ono što ste podnijeli i odlučiti trebate li izmijeniti članak.

Charles XIV John, Swedish Karl Johan, iliCarl Johan, original name Jean-Baptiste Bernadotte, također se zove (1806–10) Prince De Ponte-Corvo, (born Jan. 26, 1763, Pau, France—died March 8, 1844, Stockholm, Swed.), French Revolutionary general and marshal of France (1804), who was elected crown prince of Sweden (1810), becoming regent and then king of Sweden and Norway (1818–44). Active in several Napoleonic campaigns between 1805 and 1809, he subsequently shifted allegiances and formed Swedish alliances with Russia, Great Britain, and Prussia, which defeated Napoleon at the Battle of Leipzig (1813).

Bernadotte was the son of a lawyer. At the age of 17 he enlisted in the French army. By 1790 he had become an ardent supporter of the Revolution and rose rapidly from sublieutenant in 1792 to brigadier general in 1794. During the campaigns in Germany, the Low Countries, and Italy he restrained his troops from plundering and gained a reputation as a disciplinarian. Bernadotte first met Napoleon Bonaparte in 1797 in Italy. Their relationship, at first friendly, was soon embittered by rivalries and misunderstandings.

In January 1798 Bernadotte was expected to succeed Bonaparte in command of the army of Italy but instead was appointed ambassador to Vienna until April, when his mission ended. On Aug. 17, 1798, having returned to Paris, he married Désirée Clary, Napoleon’s former fiancée and the sister-in-law of Joseph Bonaparte, Napoleon’s older brother.

Bernadotte campaigned in Germany during the winter following his marriage, and from July to September 1799 he was minister of war. His growing fame, however, and his contacts with the radical Jacobins irritated Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès—one of the five members of the government of the Directory that ruled France from 1795 to 1799—who engineered his removal. In November 1799 Bernadotte refused to assist Bonaparte’s coup d’état that ended the Directory but neither did he defend it. He was a councillor of state from 1800 to 1802 and became commander of the army of the west. In 1802 he fell under suspicion of complicity with a group of army officers of republican sympathies who disseminated anti-Bonapartist pamphlets and propaganda from the city of Rennes (the “ Rennes plot”). Although no evidence has been found that he was involved, it is clear that he would have favoured constitutional limitation of the powers of Napoleon, who had in 1799 become the first consul—to all intents and purposes, dictator of France—or even his overthrow. In January 1803 Bonaparte appointed Bernadotte minister to the United States, but Bernadotte delayed his departure because of rumours of approaching war between France and England and remained inactive in Paris for a year. When, on May 18, 1804, Napoleon proclaimed the empire, Bernadotte declared full loyalty to him and, in May, was named marshal of the empire. In June he became the military and civil governor of the electorate of Hanover, and while in office he attempted to set up an equitable system of taxation. This did not prevent him from beginning to accumulate a sizable fortune with the “tributes” he received from Hanover and the Hanseatic city of Bremen.

In 1805 Bernadotte was given command of the I Army Corps during the Austrian campaign. Difficulties delayed his march toward Vienna, and in the battle at Austerlitz, in which Napoleon defeated the combined Russo-Austrian forces, the corps played a dramatic but somewhat minor role. Napoleon gave Bernadotte command of the occupation of Ansbach (1806) and in the same year made him prince of Ponte-Corvo. In July 1807 Bernadotte was named governor of the occupied Hanseatic cities of northern Germany. In the Battle of Wagram, in which the French defeated the Austrians, he lost more than one-third of his soldiers and then returned to Paris “for reasons of health” but obviously in deep disfavour. Napoleon, however, put him in command of the defense of the Netherlands against the threatened British invasion Bernadotte ably organized the defense. When Bernadotte returned to Paris, political suspicions still surrounded him, and his position remained uncertain.

Despite the distrust of French politicians, however, dramatic new possibilities now opened up to him: he was invited to become crown prince of Sweden. In 1809 a palace revolution had overthrown King Gustav IV of Sweden and had put the aged, childless, and sickly Charles XIII on the throne. The Danish prince Christian August had been elected crown prince but died suddenly in 1810, and the Swedes turned to Napoleon for advice. The Emperor, however, was reluctant to exert a decisive influence, and the initiative fell to the young Swedish baron Carl Otto Mörner. Mörner approached Bernadotte since he respected his military ability, his skillful and humane administration of Hanover and the Hanseatic towns, and his charitable treatment of Swedish prisoners in Germany. The Riksdag (diet), influenced by similar considerations, by their regard for French military power, and by financial promises from Bernadotte, abandoned other candidates, and on Aug. 21, 1810, Bernadotte was elected Swedish crown prince. On October 20 he accepted Lutheranism and landed in Sweden he was adopted as son by Charles XIII and took the name of Charles John (Karl Johan). The Crown Prince at once assumed control of the government and acted officially as regent during the illnesses of Charles XIII. Napoleon now tried to prevent any reorientation of Swedish foreign policy and moreover sent an immediate demand that Sweden declare war on Great Britain the Swedes had no choice, but, though technically in a state of war between 1810 and 1812, Sweden and Great Britain did not engage in active hostilities. Then, in January 1812, Napoleon suddenly occupied Swedish Pomerania.

Charles John was anxious to achieve something for Sweden that would prove his worth to the Swedes and establish his dynasty in power. He could, as many Swedes wished, have regained Finland from Russia, either by conquest or by negotiation. Political developments, however, prompted another solution, namely the conquest of Norway from Denmark, based on a Swedish alliance with Napoleon’s enemies. An alliance was signed with Russia in April 1812, with Great Britain in March 1813—with the British granting a subsidy for the proposed conquest of Norway—and with Prussia in April 1813. Urged by the allies, however, Charles John agreed to take part in the great campaign against Napoleon and to postpone his war with Denmark. The Crown Prince landed his troops at Stralsund, Ger., in May 1813 and soon took command of the allied army of the north. Although the Swedish troops contributed to the allied successes, Charles John intended to conserve his forces for the war with Denmark, and the Prussians bore the brunt of the fighting.

After the decisive Battle of Leipzig (October 1813), Napoleon’s first great defeat, Charles John succeeded in defeating the Danes in a swift campaign and forced King Frederick VI of Denmark to sign the Treaty of Kiel (January 1814), which transferred Norway to the Swedish crown. Charles John now had dreams of becoming king or “protector” of France, but he had become alienated from the French people, and the victorious allies would not tolerate another soldier in charge of French affairs. Bernadotte’s dream dissolved, and his brief visit to Paris after the armistice was not glorious.

New difficulties recalled him to Scandinavia. The Norwegians refused to recognize the Treaty of Kiel, and in May 1814 a Norwegian assembly in Eidsvold, Nor., adopted a liberal constitution. Charles John conducted an efficient and almost bloodless campaign, and in August the Norwegians signed the Convention of Moss, whereby they accepted Charles XIII as king but retained the May constitution. Thus, when force might have imposed any system on the Norwegians (for a time at least), the Crown Prince insisted on a constitutional settlement.


1376-1814 - Norway Under Denmark

The primitive independence of Norway ended with King Hakon V in 1319. In the absence of direct male heirs, the crown of Norway passed, at that juncture, to Hakon's daughter's son, Magnus, who was at the same time son of King Eric of Sweden and heir to the Swedish throne. At the beginning of this connection, the union of the two kingdoms was only in the person of the common monarch and was not a consolidation of the political institutions of the two states. As king of Sweden, Magnus had no rights, powers, or prerogatives in Norway, and, vice versa, as king of Norway he had none in Sweden. He was, however, a weak personality, and soon proved incapable of administering a political system of such complexity. He sought his way out of such care and difficulty by conferring the government of Sweden upon his son Eric, and that of Norway upon his son Hakon.

The early death of Eric, about 1350, brought Sweden under the sovereignty of Hakon VI and re-established, momentarily, the personal union of the two states. In 1363 the Swedish nobles called Albrecht, Count of Mecklenburg, son of King Magnus' only sister, Euphemia, to expel Magnus and Hakon from power and assume the Swedish crown himself. He accepted the challenge, and in the battle of Enkoping, 1365, overthrew his rival and was acknowledged Swedish king. Meanwhile Hakon had married the Princess Margaret of Denmark and opened the way for the union of Denmark with Norway.

In 1380, upon the death of Hakon, his son Olaf inherited the two crowns. Olaf was a physical weakling and died when only 17 years old before having opportunity to organize his power (1387). When Olaf died, and Margaret became reigning queen, among several distant relatives who had claims upon the Norwegian throne the Norwegian Council of Regency in 1389 chose Erik of Pomerania, a grand-nephew of Margaret, as Olaf's successor. As he was only seven years old Margaret was appointed to continue as reigning queen. Meanwhile the king of Sweden, Albrecht of Mecklenburg, who also was a distant relative of the royal house of Norway, had assumed the title of king of Norway and Denmark and had commenced war against Margaret. But his own subjects rebelled against him and offered the crown of Sweden to the Danish queen. In February, 1389, King Albrecht was defeated at Falkoping by a united army of Norwegians, Danes, and Swedes. Through the influence of Queen Margaret, Erik of Pomerania in 1396 was chosen king of Denmark and Sweden by the nobility of the two countries, and in 1397 he was crowned in Kalmar as king of all the three kingdoms.

The union of the three Scandinavian kingdoms was thus accomplished. It was still but a personal union. It was, however, a first step towards political and institutional union. But in the way of a successful realization of such a consolidation stood, at that juncture, too many difficulties. It was the intention of Queen Margaret to make this union between the three kingdoms perpetual. For this purpose a draft for a constitution was prepared by a committee selected by the Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish magnates who had gathered at Kalmar on the occasion of the crowing of King Erik. According to this document the three kingdoms were henceforth to have the same king the latter was to be selected by delegates from the three kingdoms these were to aid each other against foreign enemies and each kingdom was to be governed according to its own laws. This document, however, was signed by only ten of the numerous magnates present, and none of those who signed were from Norway. It never became anything more than a proposition.

The union between the three kingdoms continued, although with several interruptions, until 1523, when Sweden, on account of the Stockholm Massacre and other atrocities committed by Christian II. of Denmark, definitely withdrew, and afterwards not only maintained an independent government, but commenced its career as a distinct nation and one of the most important powers of Europe. But while Sweden for the first time in its history commenced a real national life, that of Norway was at an end. This country, which in the earlier history of the North, had been the scene of the greatest political and intellectual activity, producing the grandest poetical and historical literature of the Middle Ages, and indeed of any age or country, had at this time come to a standstill.

The rebellion of the Norwegian nationals, under the leadership of Archbishop Olaf Ingebriktson, continued from 1532 to 1537, and at its unsuccessful termination the king, Christian III., declared that Norway had forfeited its political autonomy altogether by the rebellion, and should thenceforth be governed as a province of the Danish kingdom. The revolution of the Danish political system in 1660, in which the state passed from the feudal onward to the absolute form, made no difference with Norway. It continued to be simply a royal province under the rule of the Danish king. The Norwegians sank into complete political lethargy. During the so-called Union Period, Norway drifted helplessly into the wake of Denmark, which country, so to speak, took it in tow. During the union with Denmark, Norway, although for the greater part of the period nominally united with that country upon terms of equality, was in reality a dependency of Denmark.

This union continued until the wars, occasioned bv the French Revolution, changed the political connections and conditions of almost every country in Europe. In consequence of the revolution in France, commencing in 1789, that countrty was involved in war with most of the countrties of Europe, especially with Holland, England, Spain, the States of Italy, Russia, Austria, and Prussia. Most of these countries were compelled to conclude peace. Only England continued the war, with unremitting energy. During these wars Denmark tried to maintain a strict neutrality. But owing to encroachments on the part of England of the same nature which in 1812 led to the war of the United States against England, Denmark, in 1800, entered into an alliance withSwedenand Russia, called the "Armed Neutrality," in order to protect the extensive commerce of Norway and Denmark as well as of the two other countries.

Meanwhile the seeds of a new development were sown, and when the Great Powers of Europe, in order to consummate their political ends, proposed to trade away Norway like a piece of property, the Norwegians were ready to assert their independence. First in 1807, when England, feeling her commercial interests earnestly threatened by the agreements reached between the Emperor Napoleon and the Czar Alexander in the treaty of Tilsit, fell upon Napoleon's Scandinavian ally Denmark, capturing her entire fleet and destroying her intercourse with Norway, were the Norwegians excited to the idea of becoming a free state again.

During the seven years following Tilsit, Norway was left to shift for itself. Its commerce destroyed, its finances in confusion, and every import cut off, it suffered those bitter experiences which lead to independence. The issue was precipitated by the attitude of Russia to Sweden in 1812. Napoleon and Alexander had broken friendship over the interpretation of the provisions of the Tilsit agreement relating to Napoleon's "continental system," and Alexander was busy constructing the great alliance against him which was destined to prove his destruction.

The czar desired to win Sweden for the coalition, and agreed with the Swedish king that the reward for his aid should be Norway. Under this inducement the king joined his forces to those of the allies and after the overthrow of Napoleon at Leipsic, October 19, 1813, the Swedish troops, supported by detachments of the allied army, moved into Denmark and forced the Danish king, Frederic VI., to the treaty of Kiel (January 14, 1814), surrendering Norway to Sweden.

But after seven years of independent existence the Norwegians were not inclined to permit themselves to be disposed of by agreements without their own consent. They took the ground that the Danish king might surrender the Norwegian crown, but that he had no right to transfer it - that it was a trust confided to him by the Norwegian people, and that when he gave it up, it returned to the source from which it had proceeded. Acting upon this view, the Danish governor in Norway, Christian Frederic - who, after the interruption of intercourse between Denmark and Norway in 1807, had, in understanding with the Norwegian leaders, continued to administer the Norwegian government, nominally as the agent of the Danish king, but really as the representative of the Norwegians - called a national convention of the Norwegian people to meet at Eidsvold for the purpose of considering the affairs of Norway. This convention declared Norway a free and sovereign state, formed a constitution, and elected Prince Christian king (May 17, 1814).

Thereupon the Swedish crown prince, Bernadotte, marched into Norway at the head of the Swedish army, and overthrew the newly elected king of Norway by force of arms. Christian pledged himself in the treaty of Moss, August 14, 1814, to call the Norwegian national assembly (Storthing> together and lay his crown in its hands. It met, accepted the abdication of King Christian, declared the sovereignty to have returned to the people whom it represented, and then agreed to a modified form of the Eidsvold instrument, in the shape of a compact with the Swedish king, whom it then elected king of Norway (November 4, 1814). Therewith the union of Norway with Sweden was consummated.


Geography and colonizers

Finland is the eighth-largest country in Europe by land mass, but at the same time it is the European Union’s most sparsely populated nation. It shares a border with both Sweden and Norway to its north and west and with Russia to the east.

The southern part of the country occupies a peninsula separated from Sweden by the Gulf of Bothnia to the west, the Baltic Sea to the southwest, and the Gulf of Finland to the south, across which is Estonia.

Given that Finland is yet another northern European country with a similar culture and with a centuries-long shared history with Sweden, Norway and Denmark—not to mention the fact that it literally borders two of them—you would think that the relationship between Finland and Scandinavia would be fairly cut and dried.

But the traditionally-designated Scandinavian countries are somewhat isolated on their own peninsula with Denmark jutting up and away from the rest of Europe, and the North Sea separating all three from the rest of the world to the east, giving them centuries of relative isolation and insularity.

And as can be seen with a quick glance at the map, the answer to is Finland part of the Scandinavian peninsula is a resounding no.

Finland’s political and historical case as a result of its geography is different as well, and it too colors whether Finland is in Scandinavia. That eastern border Finland shares with Russia has long been a game-changer in terms of the country’s history.

In fact, Finland’s capital Helsinki is less than 200 miles away from St. Petersburg, which was the capital of the Russian empire for centuries.

Having such a powerful and ambitious neighbor on your doorstep has understandably made a mighty big influence on the development of Finland’s culture and identity, and must be factored into the equation of is Finland a part of Scandinavia, and if not, why not.

But the complications don’t end there, because as mentioned above, on Finland’s other side lies Sweden, which for many hundreds of years was also a massively strong, war-like, wealthy and well-equipped world power with empire-building ambitions of its own.

What’s more, further muddying the question of is Finland Scandinavian is the fact that the Swedish are not only Finland’s neighbors — they were once the rulers of Finland.

The Swedes actually controlled Finland for over six centuries, starting sometime in the mid-13 th century when the Swedish seized control of Finland and began sending thousands of colonists to live there and spread their culture and language.

This period of Swedish colonization and control of Finland occurred during the era of the Crusades, when the Swedish government and religious power elites saw it as not only a holy mission to convert Finland’s largely pagan population to Christianity, but also as a lucrative venture by which they could exploit Finland’s people and resources.

Sweden’s hold on Finland ended in the early 1800s with the Finns throwing off Swedish control via a war of liberation.

However, given that over the course of hundreds of years Swedish colonists had made themselves at home and become assimilated in coastal areas while at the same time importing their language and customs, the identity of the Finnish people was forever altered.

So the question remains: Is Finland Scandinavian? And, given the influence of the Swedes in Finland, which is after all another nation that is universally accepted as part of Scandinavia, why is Finland not part of Scandinavia also?

Well, funny thing about tossing out the Swedish governors and shedding their control: By 1809 the Russians—remember the Russians on Finland’s other border?—had stepped in and incorporated Finland into the Russian Empire as the Grand Duchy of Finland.

Despite the Finns declaring themselves independent after the Russian Revolution in 1917, Russian influence on the internal affairs of Finland continued well into the Cold War era.


Povijest

The Norwegian monarchy dates back more than one thousand years. Harald Fairhair, regarded as the first Norwegian king, united the petty kingships of Norway into a single realm in about 885. From the time of Harald Fairhair until the present day, Norway has had more than 60 named sovereigns. The current King belongs to the House of Glücksburg, which has ruled Norway since 1905.

Although Norwegian history goes back many centuries, modern Norway as an independent nation is relatively young. In 1380 Norway and Denmark were merged under a single monarch, but Norway was given a subordinate role in the union and came increasingly under Danish control. The union with Denmark was dissolved in 1814 in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars. For a brief time, Norway once again became an independent nation, drawing up its own constitution. Just a few months later, however, Norway was compelled to enter into a union with Sweden &ndash this time as an independent nation, but with a common king and joint foreign policy.

In 1905 the union of Norway and Sweden was dissolved, and Norway chose its own monarch: King Haakon VII.

King Olav and Crown Princess Märtha

Crown Prince Olav married Princess Märtha of Sweden in 1929. He succeeded his father as king of Norway in 1957.

King Haakon and Queen Maud

King Haakon and Queen Maud stepped ashore in Kristiania (Oslo) 25 November 1905 as the new Norwegian Royal Family.

The Bernadottes

The House of Bernadotte reigned in Norway from 1818 until 1905. King Carl III Johan, was the first of the Bernadottes to ascend to the Norwegian throne.

Drugi Svjetski rat

German troops invaded Norway on 9 April 1940. They were planning to capture the King and the Government in order to force the country to surrender.

Dissolution of the union 1905

On 7 June 1905 the Storting passed a resolution unilaterally dissolving the union with Sweden. Prince Carl of Denmark was offered the throne

Independence and union 1814

Perhaps the most eventful year in Norway's history: From absolute monarchy in union with Denmark to a constitutional monarchy in union with Sweden.

The unification of Norway

In the early Middle Ages Norway was comprised of many petty kingships. Harald Fairhair united Norway into a single kingdom around 885.

Family tree

This Family tree shows the Kings of Norway (marked with a crown) going back to King Carl Johan, King of Norway and Sweden from 1818.

The Royal Regalia

The original Norwegian regalia have been lost. Consequently, when Carl Johan was preparing for his coronation in 1818 he paid for the making of the essential items himself.


Gledaj video: 2020 Norveška (Srpanj 2022).


Komentari:

  1. Faesar

    Da, razumijem te. There is something in this and I think this is a very excellent idea. I completely agree with you.

  2. Colbert

    I believe that you are wrong. Siguran sam. Email me at PM, we will discuss.

  3. Fegor

    Ranije sam mislio drugačije, puno hvala na pomoći u ovom pitanju.

  4. Daron

    Po mom mišljenju, greške se čine. Moramo razgovarati.



Napišite poruku