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Teška roba zahtijeva da se rodne uloge u povijesti Vikinga prepišu. Ili Oni?

Teška roba zahtijeva da se rodne uloge u povijesti Vikinga prepišu. Ili Oni?


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Norveška arheologinja, Marianne Moen, iznosi veliku tvrdnju da je 'prošlost' pogrešno protumačena i da su muška i ženska kulturna uloga Viking Norveške bile slične. No ne slažu se svi.

Doktorski rad Marianne Moen na Odsjeku za arheologiju, konzervaciju i povijest Sveučilišta u Oslu nosi naslov „ Izazovni spol. Preispitivanje spola u doba Vikinga pomoću mrtvačkog krajolika . ” Prema članku o njezinu članku u Science Nordic -u, ona tvrdi da rodne uloge u vrijeme Vikinga nisu bile toliko diferencirane kao što se mislilo, a novinarima je rekla: "Mislim da se moramo odmaknuti od razlikovanja uloga muškaraca i žena u vrijeme Vikinga" .

Proučavajući sadržaj 218 vikinških grobova u Vestfoldu, okrugu na jugozapadnoj strani fjorda Oslo, i pronašavši predmete od "šalica, tanjura do konja i druge stoke" u grobovima "Ne samo domaćica", Moen tvrdi "gornji klase muškarci i žene općenito su pokopani s istim vrstama predmeta - uključujući opremu za kuhanje ”. A iz ove vrste ‘razmišljanja’ rad sugerira da se rodne uloge Vikinga trebaju preodjenuti.

Posuda od sapunice iz doba Vikinga. Sapun se koristio za izradu posuđa među ostalim predmetima. (Elinor Rajka / CC BY-SA 2.5 )

Međutim, kontroverzno, ako je Moen u pravu, tada je gotovo svaki znanstvenik prije nje bio ili: potpuno glup, jednostavno u krivu ili možda 'zaveden' član zastarjelog arheološkog patrijarhata. Mora biti jedan od ovih. Pravo? Sada su boksačke rukavice skinute i prikrivene aluzije više nisu u sjeni, pogledajmo što se govori o ovoj ogromnoj tvrdnji, koja se, ako se pokaže točnom, zahtijeva trenutno prepisivanje ne samo Vikinga, već i norveške povijesti općenito.

Prazan filozofije u znanosti?

Da bismo preokrenuli stoljetne dokaze koje su prikupili arheolozi i koji sugeriraju da su žene Vikinga "češće nego ne" bile odgovorne za održavanje kuće, dok su muškarci postajali poljoprivrednici, trgovci i ratnici, nečiji dokazi moraju biti ne samo veliki, već i otporni na metke. Drugim riječima, je li otkriće da su alati i pribor za kuhanje podjednako raspoređeni između ukopa muškaraca i žena na "jednom" poligonu doista opipljiv dokaz za "osporavanje rodnih uloga" u društvu Vikinga?

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Vikinške žene kao ratnice - dovodi li to u pitanje opće rodne uloge? ( delDrago / Adobe Stock)

Moenovo uvjerenje vidljivo je u njezinu komentaru za Science Nordic gdje je izjavila; "Mislim" to znači da su i muškarci pravili hranu. Ta se "misao", kaže Moen, temelji na drugoj "misli"; da “oprema za kuhanje ukazuje na gostoprimstvo”. Odakle uopće započeti?

Liberalne misli dovedene u pitanje tvrdom znanošću

Pretpostaviti da su muškarci kuhali koliko i žene jer su bili pokopani s posuđem za kuhanje, znači pretpostaviti da su se Vikinzi koji su iskopani nosili zmajeve broševe zapravo borili sa pravim zmajevima. Uzmi me? Ovo je zasigurno smjer razmišljanja koji bi pronašao podršku Frans-Arne Stylegara koji radi na očuvanju kulture i urbanom planiranju u konzultantskoj tvrtki Multiconsult, koji je novinarima rekao: „Teško je pretočiti osobu koja je idealizirana u pogrebnim običajima u stvarne povijesna stvarnost. To je gotovo filozofsko pitanje ”.

I nemojte ni sekunde pomisliti da Frans-Arne Stylegar nije 'pokušao' jer njegova pažljiva upotreba riječi 'filozofija' sugerira da su Moensova otkrića izgrađena na 'filozofskim spekulacijama', a ne na čvrstim znanstvenim podacima. Činjenica da njezin rad nastoji ‘osporiti rodne uloge’ sugerira njezinim skepticima da je možda imala donekle unaprijed određen pojam, kako bi došla do svog zaključka, umjesto da je taj zaključak proizašao iz zapažanja. Moanov posljednji rad nije imao naslov " Ljudi u krajoliku "Ali" Žene u norveškom pejzažu ”Što otkriva u pogledu njezinih kosih ili inherentnih predrasuda.

U obrani, Moen nas podsjeća ...

Moen vjeruje da alati i oprema za kuhanje nisu bili samo za konceptualnu primjenu u zagrobnom životu, jer su "predmeti pronađeni i u kućama". Međutim, ovaj dvorac izgrađen je na pijesku, pa sve dok ne može utvrditi 'tko' je koristio predmete, moglo bi se dogoditi da su ih 'sve' koristile žene.

Jedan od Moenovih argumenata u vezi s rodnim ulogama bio je da su neki predmeti od grobnih predmeta pronađeni i u kućama. ( serg_did / Adobe Stock)

No, usporimo malo s Moenovim istraživanjem koje ipak pokazuje "Više od 40 posto muških grobova sadržavalo je nakit poput broševa i perli". Osim toga, muški grobovi sadržavali su toaletne potrepštine, "uključujući pincete i britvice koje se vjerojatno koriste za osobno dotjerivanje".

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Nakit, poput broševa i perli, pronađen je u grobnim predmetima muškaraca i žena. Što to govori o rodnim ulogama? (Maia C / CC BY-SA 2.0 )

U redu. Duboki uzdah. Tvrditi da to što su muškarci njegovali i nosili nakit ne znači da su i oni morali kuhati i brinuti se o kućama, graniči sa seksističkim, a da ne govorimo o rodnim stereotipima! Bez obzira na to, Moen podržava sve svoje pretpostavke da su točne i sada se „pita“ odakle je ideja o jasnoj rodnoj različitosti u prošlosti mogla doći?

Grobovi iskopani u Norveškoj početkom 1900 -ih, naravno, tumačeni su prema kulturnim standardima i perspektivama tog vremena, na isti način na koji Moen sada vidi artefakte iz svoje moderne perspektive. A ta je perspektiva možda neuravnotežena kao i muški patrijarhat na koji šutke aludira, jer sebe naziva 'rodnim arheologom' i otvoreno nastoji 'izazvati druga arheologa tumačenja vikinške kulture'.

"Nailazim na dosta skepticizma", rekla je Moen, jer je velika većina čak i modernih istraživača "vrlo postavljena u svom mišljenju o spolu kada su u pitanju uloge povezane s poslom". Bez obzira na to, smatra da je dio razloga zašto 99,9% norveških znanstvenika, i muškaraca i žena, toliko u krivu, to što se lakše povezuje s povijesnom pričom "koja je u skladu s našim modernim očekivanjima".

Moen vjeruje da su moderni istraživači postavljeni prema njihovom mišljenju o rodnim ulogama Vikinga. ( Fxquadro / Adobe Stock)

Međutim, skeptici se slažu kako bi sugerirali da upravo to radi i Moan, projicirajući svoje suvremene rodne ideologije na prošlost, prepisujući tako dokaznu povijest.

Zaključno, mislim da je ovo što imamo ovdje besramno kontroverzan rad, hrabar i očit u usklađenosti s Liberalnom agendom Europskog sveučilišta, pa će se iz tog razloga konzervativni znanstvenici vrtjeti na njihovom mjestu. I tako bi se možda i hrabri ratnici Vikinzi, koji su umrli od mača, okretali u grobovima vrišteći, spektakularno, „taj je kotlić za moj čaj od gljiva na onom svijetu, a ne za pripremu juhe za obitelj. I češalj, pa ja ga koristim prije nego posjetim svoj šator od viksa, ne zato što sam hipster! Sheesh! Stvarno!"

Brončani vikinški kotlić. Govori li doista mogućnost kuhanja čaja išta o rodnim ulogama? (Arild Finne Nybø / CC BY-SA 2.0 )


VIKING SOCIJALNA STRUKTURA I RODNE ULOGE U core.ac.uk/download/pdf/ VIKING SOCIJALNA STRUKTURA I.

uloga u društvu Vikinga, kao i koje su uloge mogli imati.

Želio bih zahvaliti svojoj čitateljici dr. Susannah Lloyd, kao i svom profesoru dr. Davidu

Anderson za svu pomoć koju su mi obojica pružili. Također bih želio zahvaliti svojoj

Mama, Susan i moja obitelj na podršci.

U suvremenom društvu kada se uzme u obzir riječ klasa kada se misli na položaj osobe u

društva ljudi obično razmišljaju o nižim društvenim klasama, radničkim klasama i višim klasama. to je

opće je poznato da, iako pojedinci mogu živjeti u određenoj klasi, pojedinci su sposobni

pomičite se gore -dolje po ovoj hijerarhiji. Kao što znamo da to nije uvijek bio slučaj, postojalo je vrijeme

kada su robovi bili prisutni u društvima i nisu imali apsolutno nikakvu sposobnost da se pomaknu iz svog ranga.

Društveni statusi su se vremenom razvijali i mijenjali, a s njima i uloge i pravila

različita društva. Često su se ti društveni statusi formirali i slijedili različiti

karakteristike koje su ljudi imali. Primjer bi bila ideja da su žene imale definirane uloge

i nisu mogli sudjelovati u aktivnostima koje su bile dio muškog statusa i obrnuto

različite uloge koje su se temeljile na hijerarhiji društva, na primjer ekstremne

razlike između roba i kraljevske obitelji. Ove su linije između statusa bile različite

antičkog svijeta. A za prošle kulture koje više ne postoje, vrlo je teško potpuno

razumjeti koje su bile uloge grupa i pojedinaca. Kroz arheologiju otkrića

različitih ukopa pomažu u sastavljanju društvenih struktura društva. Gledajući u

mjesta ukopa unutar zajednice, kao i grobna dobra i druge značajke koje možemo steći

veliki uvid u statuse onih pojedinaca čiji su grobovi otkriveni. Takva je

slučaj za društva vikinške dobi na skandinavskom području u Danskoj, Norveškoj i Švedskoj (slika

1). Gledajući ukope na ovim prostorima možemo vidjeti kako je izgrađena njihova društvena struktura

kao i kako su različite karakteristike pojedinaca utjecale na njihove uloge, posebno one

Slika 1. Karta Skandinavije koja prikazuje različita vikinška putovanja (Chartrand et co. 2006: slika 1)

Riječ Vikinzi obično priziva sliku velike horde ljudi koji nose rogate kacige

dok je pljačkao englesko selo. Istina, Vikinški način života u Skandinaviji je mnogo više

nego ova slika s predrasudama koja nam je naslikana. Osnovno podrijetlo kulture Vikinga

dolazi iz područja Skandinavije, uglavnom nižih dijelova Norveške i Švedske

s Danskom. Vikinška kultura postojala je od oko 700. godine poslije Krista do jedanaestog stoljeća, ili

oko ranog srednjeg vijeka (Christiansen 2002). Velik dio svog vremena proveli su na putovanjima po moru

istraživati ​​nove zemlje, kao i nabaviti druge potrepštine. Zbog toga se mnogo puta

dobivaju titulu gusara ili napadača. Dugo su odlazili na plovidbu,

i kao takav postao iznimno talentiran za manevriranje vodom. Vikinzi su putovali

diljem drevnog europskog svijeta, kao i na drugim kontinentima, kao što se može vidjeti na slici 1.

Međutim, Vikinzi su također živjeli na kopnu i iskusili ono što se tijekom vremena smatralo normalnim životom

i u ovom vremenskom razdoblju kada niste na moru.

Iako su velik dio vremena provodili daleko od kuće, obično bi zimu provodili

kod kuće. Dok su bili u svojim kućama i daleko od mora, živjeli su kao poljoprivrednici, ribari,

trgovci, brodograditelji, obrtnici, kovači ili tesari, da navedemo nekoliko zanimanja. Kao

mnoge druge kulture Vikinzi su imali specifične društvene klase. Iz izvora o vikinškoj kulturi mi

znajte da je na samom vrhu društvene hijerarhije kralj. Kralj bi ubirao porez, vlastiti

zemljišta na cijelom teritoriju, a zauzvrat bi radilo na zaštiti i omogućavanju najboljeg

uvjete za one koji žive pod njihovom vladavinom (Chartrand 2006). Ispod kralja bio je mali

aristokratska skupina zvana jarlovi, koji su posjedovali zemlju i davali je u zakup poljoprivrednicima. Ispod

jarls je skupina zvana bndi koja je činila većinu kulture Vikinga. Sve ovo

grupe su bile slobodni ljudi čije se mišljenje moglo čuti, a bilo je od značaja. Na dnu

društvene hijerarhije bili u stolici, te su grupe bile ekvivalentne onome što bismo smatrali

robovi, a bili su u potpunom vlasništvu svog gospodara i izvršavali su sve i svaki zadatak koji je bio potreban

Religija Vikinga i vjerovanja u zagrobni život

Vikinzi su bili poganski narod i vjerovali su u prisutnost više bogova, a mi to čujemo

o tim bogovima u njihovim mitovima i legendama. Odin se misli o Thorovu Ocu, ali uistinu

Vikinška mitologija Thor je Bog groma i pravo glavno božanstvo. Drugi ključni bogovi

uključuju Lokija koji je bio napola bog, a napola demon, i Freyja. Ona je Božica ljubavi i

plodnost, kao i rat i smrt. S vjerovanjem u te bogove postojala su i posebna vjerovanja

više područja na koja bi pojedinac bio primljen nakon njihove smrti (Stranica 2004). Viking

vjerovalo se da će ovisno o pojedincu biti dopušteno ući u određena područja smrti,

kojima je predsjedao jedan od bogova. To je bilo kad su ratnici umrli na bojnom polju

rekao da će polovica biti dobrodošla u Odins carstvo Valhalla ili Valhol, kao i

Valkira ili žene ratnice koje su smatrane božanskim, sakupljale bi muške duše iz

bojno polje. Svi su se okupili da se bore u posljednjoj bitci s Odinom. Druga polovica pokojnika u

bitka je ušla u carstvo kojim je upravljala božica Freyja. Vjerovalo se da je Helgafjell carstvo

biti poput života na zemlji, gdje su ljudi nastavili svoj svakodnevni život u prekrasnom

okoliš. Za razliku od ostalih, područje Hel je prikazano kao mjesto kazne i

bol. Zavladala je božica Hel, koja se smatrala kćerkom Lokija, i đavolska u

izgled (Mortensen 1913). S tim, kao i s raznim manjim bogovima, Vikinzi su uzeli

veliku brigu za prakticiranje svoje religije kroz rituale i određene ljude koji su bili šamani ili

svećenici i svećenice, Žene su imale gotovo isključivu ulogu Vlve ili svećenice

specijalizirani za proročanstva i bili su poznati po svom čarobnom štapu zvanom vlr (Shetelig 1937).

Magija se mogla koristiti za rješavanje životnih problema, kao i za borbu na bojnom polju.

Ova uvjerenja i prakse imaju važan utjecaj na metodu koju Vikinzi sahranjuju

Arheologija o Vikinzima u Skandinaviji nastala je tijekom godina, ali još uvijek postoji

ograničena količina Vikinških ukopa koja je dostupna za proučavanje. Međutim ukopi vikinškog doba

jedan su od najboljih načina za sagledavanje aspekata društvenog statusa kulture Vikinga posebno

rodne uloge i njihovu ulogu u društvu. Usredotočujući se na Dansku, Norvešku i

Švedskoj, te ispitivanje raznolikosti grobova na tim područjima te razlika i sličnosti u

grobna dobra koja sadrže. Između ovih područja postoji velika raznolikost unutar ukopa

koje ću gledati. Prisutnost ili odsutnost određenih artefakata zajedno s jedinstvenim ukopom

stilovi će dati izvrstan uvid u to kako je društvena struktura i njezina pravila utjecala na žene

Vikinška kultura. Neke od stavki na koje ću se usredotočiti uključivat će prisutnost

oružja, artefakata koji ukazuju na ekonomsku moć, kao i drugih pojedinaca koji su to mogli biti

žrtvovan radi ukopa, te je li osoba pokopana s brodom, kočijom ili na drugi jedinstven način

aspekti koji pokazuju važnost pokopanog pojedinca.

Prisutnost ili odsutnost ovakvih artefakata može ukazivati ​​na prestiž

umrla osoba, a koliko je statusa pokazano čak i u smrti. Usporedbom ovih

artefakti između muških i ženskih grobova mogu se steći veća predodžba o ulozi žena u

Vikinška kultura. Iz povijesnog znanja znamo mnoge uloge s kojima su muškarci igrali


Koji su stereotipi o vikinškoj muškosti pogrešni

Slika umjetnosti Vikinga danas je karikatura muškosti i dugokosi ratnik koji je još uvijek ugrađen u logotipe ili oglašava proizvode koji se dopadaju navodnom idealu muževnog ponašanja. No, skandinavska stvarnost u doba Vikinga obuhvaćala je mnogo više, uključujući istinsku fluidnost spola. Patrijarhat je bio norma vikinškog društva, ali koji je bio podrivan na svakom koraku, često na načine koji su & fascinantno & mdash ugrađeni u njegove strukture.

Vikinzi su zasigurno bili upoznati s onim što bi se danas nazivalo queer identitetima. Granice spolova bile su strogo nadzirane, ponekad s moralnim prizvukom, a društveni pritisci na muškarce i žene bili su vrlo stvarni. Međutim, u isto vrijeme te su granice bile propusne uz određeni stupanj društvene sankcije. Ovdje postoji jasna napetost, kontradikcija koja može biti produktivna za svakoga tko pokuša razumjeti vikinški um.

Ove teme i veze mogu se pratiti u proučavanju grobova. Arheolozi utvrđuju spol zakopanih mrtvih analizom njihovih kostiju (koja je pouzdana, iako nije sigurna) ili DNK (koja koristi kromosomsku definiciju koja je općenito nesporna). Međutim, u mnogim slučajevima pokojnici su kremirani ili su uvjeti očuvanja u tlu nepovoljni za opstanak kosti u bilo kojem stanju. U tim slučajevima stoljećima su arheolozi pribjegavali određivanju spola mrtvih povezivanjem s navodno rodno spomenutim predmetima; m oružje u grobu drži se da sugerira muškarca, kompleti nakita označavaju ženu itd.

Osim očitih problema povezivanja spola i spola, a također i učinkovito spolnog spola, ova čitanja riskiraju jednostavno gomilanje jednog niza pretpostavki na drugo u onome što donositelji forenzičkih odluka nazivaju & ldquobias snježnom grudom & rdquo kumulativno upitnih tumačenja.

Dakle, iako većina ovih odnosa spola/roda/artefakata vjerojatno odražavaju stvarnost iz doba Vikinga, nisu svi ukopi u skladu s takvim obrascima, a otvorenost prema iznimkama za koje znamo da su postojale i mdaši je od vitalnog značaja. Bez toga se nikada ne možemo nadati da ćemo učiniti arheološku pravdu prema rodnom spektru koji se razaznaje u srednjovjekovnim tekstovima ili to usporediti s empirijskom stvarnošću iz doba Vikinga. Što je još uzbudljivije, arheologija može pronaći dokaze o identitetima i spolovima koji nisu došli do pisanih izvora.

Početna točka dolazi u grobnicama s održivim preživljavanjem kostiju. U takvim slučajevima arheolozi povremeno pronalaze ljude pokopane s predmetima i odjećom koji bi se obično povezivali sa suprotnim spolom. To uključuje muške kosture koji nose haljine te vrste koje su konvencionalnije zakopane sa ženama ili s ovalnim broševima koji drže pregaču na grudima i slične kombinacije. Za ukope sa ženskim tijelima ekvivalent je prisutnost oružja u dovoljnom broju da vjerovatno sugerira ratnički identitet mrtvih. U Vivallenu u švedskom H & aumlrjedalenu čak je bila i osoba muškog tijela pokopana prema ritualima S & aacutemi, u naselju S & aacutemi, ali noseći konvencionalnu mušku i rsquos opremu S & aacutemi preko nordijske ženske i rsquos lanene haljine, zajedno s nakitom koji odgovara ženskim i mdasha kulturnim normama .

Najistaknutiji primjer do sada kombinira gotovo sav spol Vikinga u jednom ukopu, postavljajući više pitanja nego odgovora. U komornom grobu iz 10. stoljeća s oznakom Bj.581 s gradskog groblja u Birki u Švedskoj, sahranjen je skupocjeni leš sahranjen sjedeći i okružen punim oružjem (što je rijetkost), s dva jašuća konja. Ovaj doista spektakularan ukop iskopan je 1878. godine i od tada se drži kao tipičan primjer ratnika visokog statusa iz sredine 900-ih, svojevrsnog & ldquoultimate Vikinga & rdquo tog vremena. Bj.581 objavljen je kao takav u generacijama standardnih djela. Kao dio ovog interpretativnog paketa, za pokojnika se uvijek pretpostavljalo da je muškarac, jer su ratnici & ldquoočigledno & rdquo muškarci (povezujući spol i spol na poznat način). Međutim, 2011. godine, jedno je osteološko istraživanje pokazalo da je pokopana osoba zapravo žena, a to je potvrđeno genomskom analizom 2017. godine, a preminuli su nosili XX kromosome. Rasprava koja je uslijedila o prividnom & ldquoženskom ratniku & rdquo iz Birke postala je viralna i sada grči vikinške studije, u ponekad povremenoj raspravi koja nema mnogo veze sa ženama i ratom, ali više zabrinjava u osnovi pogrešnih linija rodnih pretpostavki u disciplini i izvan nje.

U određenom smislu nije važno da li je osoba u grobu Birka bila žena ratnica ili nije (mada kao jedan od vodećih autora istraživačkog tima čvrsto vjerujem da je to sve to). Ova je osoba mogla jednako biti transrodna, u našim izrazima, ili ne-binarna, ili rodna tekućina. Postoje i druge mogućnosti, ali poanta je u tome da se sve one moraju prepoznati kao mogući identiteti iz doba Vikinga, dok & mdashcrustric & mdashnot pretpostavljaju da to mora biti slučaj. Ne najmanje važno, u tumačenju Bj.581, znanstvenici bi trebali biti oprezni da ne poreknu osnovno djelovanje žena, a njihov potencijal da izaberu jedan način života nad drugima ta osoba ne mora nužno biti različit. Nadalje, sva ta sjecišta aktivnosti i identiteta bila su sama po sebi duboko rodno & mdashfrom & ldquowarriorhood & rdquo svemu ostalom.

Ono što je važno, ništa od ovoga nije trebalo biti fiksno i trajno. U kasnijim proznim tekstovima, iako teškim izvorima, susreću se pojedinci koji mijenjaju imena kada stupaju na novi životni put & mdashwhen određene žene postanu ratnice, na primjer. Ali samo ponekad & mdash ovdje nema univerzalnosti, a kao i uvijek srednjovjekovni izvori su problematični, kasni, dvosmisleni i nesigurni.

Iako se neke od njihovih normi mogu činiti rigidnima, Skandinavci su ih na neki način primijenili na načine koji su im također dopuštali da budu dovedeni u pitanje, potkopani i proturječni. Na mnogo načina i dugi niz godina vikinški znanstvenici bili su naivni i pojednostavljeni u pogledu priznavanja i priznavanja varijacija spolova u kasnijem željeznom dobu. Možda su ljudi u doba Vikinga birali i pregovarali o svom identitetu svaki dan, baš kao što to činimo mnogi od nas. Njihove ideje o spolu otišle su daleko izvan granica biološkog spola, kako znanstvenici sada počinju shvaćati. Nažalost, tek sada postajemo svjesni privilegije koja nam je omogućila da ovo zanemarimo toliko dugo.


Kako je ženska vikinška ratnica ispisana iz povijesti

1880 -ih skandinavski arheolozi iskopali su grob sa svim oruđem potrebnim za borbu, uključujući štitove, sjekiru, koplje, mač i luk s nizom teških strijela, zajedno s dva konja, kobilom i pastuhom. Skup dijelova igre dugo je naveo istraživače da vjeruju da je ta osoba bila zainteresirana za strategiju, a možda ih je i koristila za planiranje taktike borbe. Bio je to grob ratnika Vikinga i prirodno se pretpostavljalo da je muškarac. Označen je i dalje se naziva Bj 581.

Fizički antropolozi dugo su mogli identificirati karakteristike kao što su spol i dob iz osteološke analize, a takva su istraživanja 1970 -ih povećala mogućnost da je ta osoba zapravo žena. Ali grobna roba! Zaboravite fizičke karakteristike samog kostura, stanar je morao biti muško.

Prošlog mjeseca American Journal of Physical Anthropology objavio je kratku studiju koja je slučaj stavila na kraj jednom zauvijek. Hedenstierna-Jonson i njezin tim naučili su pakao dva uzorka DNK uzeta iz kostura, sekvencionirali genom, testirali mtDNA i proveli analizu izotopa stroncija kako bi utvrdili ne samo biološki spol kostura, već i identificirali geografsko podrijetlo ili „biološke afinitete“ (populacije kojima najviše sliči- uključujući Britanske otoke, sjevernoatlantske otoke, Skandinaviju i crticu istočnog Balkana) i potencijalnu mobilnost pojedinca u životu. Uzeti zajedno, ove varijable dodaju već složenoj slici kozmopolitske Birke, vikinškog grada iz 8.-10. Stoljeća u kojem je pokopan Bj 581.

Iako je popularna priča o ženskoj ratnici, prava priča koja je u osnovi ove studije pretpostavke su koje su istraživači upravo ispuhali iz vode. Hedenstierna-Jonson i sur. u svojim izjavama ne dvosmisle da je ta osoba više od jednog stoljeća pogrešno identificirana kao muškarac jer arheolozi, akulturirani u zapadnom društvu sa strogo definiranim spolnim ulogama, samo na muškarce gledaju kao na ratnike ili vojnike ili nositelje nasilja. Ratnik je, kao i samo ratovanje, kulturni konstrukt, prakse i profesije koje su stvorila ljudska društva kako bi ispunila određene želje. Nekritičko pretpostaviti da su samo muškarci ratnici vodi ka kaskadi drugih pretpostavki o ljudskom ponašanju što čini naš pokušaj razumijevanja tog ponašanja pomalo beznačajnim.

Ove vrste pretpostavki povređuju znanstvena nastojanja arheologije. Pretpostavke o rodnim ulogama ne čine samo žene nevidljivima u arheološkim zapisima, pretpostavke o rodnim ulogama razrjeđuju naše razumijevanje prošlih društava i ogromnu složenost ljudskih postignuća i aktivnosti. Ne samo da su žene nevidljive, već su i muškarci deterministi, a cijela je ljudska povijest gadna, brutalna i kratka.

Ovo nije novi problem u arheologiji i antropologiji. Našu najosnovniju kategorizaciju "čovjek, proizvođač alata" osporile su feminističke istraživačice poput Joan Gero početkom 1990 -ih. Gerov je argument tada bio da se pretpostavlja da su kameni alati, najrasprostranjeniji artefakt u arheološkim zapisima, proizvedeni i korišteni od strane muškaraca, čak i u kontekstima, kao što su kuće i seoska mjesta, gdje se pretpostavljalo da aktivnostima dominiraju žene. Gero je jasno i sažeto ilustrirao da etnografski i povijesni dokazi zapravo ne podržavaju hipotezu o tvorcu čovjeka i oruđa te da drugi aspekti našeg suvremenog sustava vrijednosti-naša sklonost komodifikaciji rada, kvantificiranju „energije“ i „potrošnje“ i stoga tim stvarima dati veću vrijednost- zapravo bi mogla iskriviti mnoga naša istraživačka pitanja i apriorne zaključke.

Skogstrand tvrdi da androcentrizam u arheologiji ne čini nikakvu uslugu svim ljudskim spolovima, tvrdeći da "Činjenica da muškarci predstavljaju cijelo pretpovijesno društvo nije samo zato što se žene zanemaruju, već uglavnom zato što muškarci nisu spola." Nekritičkim preuzimanjem modernih rodnih uloga koje su se primjenjivale u prošlosti, ne razumijemo kako su prošli narodi živjeli i kako su vidjeli svijet. Muškarci su stoga nevidljivi kao žene, a prošlost postaje dosadna.

Identifikacija Bj 581 već se utapa u pedantne argumente koji propituju je li ta osoba mogla biti ratnik. Genomika je prilično sigurna- to su ostaci žene koja je genetski bila dio svijeta Vikinga i koja je bila sahranjena u vikinškoj grobnici s materijalnom kulturom Vikinga, konkretno materijalnom kulturom povezanom s borbama i ratovanjem. Nekim ljudima je i dalje izazov uskladiti te varijable. No, tim istim ljudima nedostaju veće implikacije istraživanja genomike. Prava pitanja, zanimljiva pitanja: što znači da je Bj 581 bila žensko? Što nam to govori o strukturi vikinškog društva? Je li Bj 581 bila jedinstvena ili je predstavljala kategoriju žena koja je uvelike potisnuta u mitologiju? I što nam to može reći o tome kako se na nasilni sukob gledalo i doživljavalo? Hedenstierna-Jonson i sur. upravo je otvorio čitav niz istraživačkih pitanja koja nas podsjećaju koliko su ljudska društva zapravo složena, bogata i fascinantna kada ih proučavamo onakvima kakvi su bili, a ne odražavaju tko mislimo da jesmo.

Hedenstierna-Jonson C., Kjellstrom A., Zachhrisson T., et al (2017) Ženski ratnik Viking potvrdio Genomics. Američki časopis za fizičku antropologiju.

Gero, Joan (1991) Genderlitika: Ženske uloge u proizvodnji kamenih alata. U knjizi Engendering Archaeology: Women in Prehistory, uredile Joan Gero i Margaret Conkey. Izdavači Blackwell.

Skogstrand, Lisbeth (2010) Je li androcentrična arheologija doista o muškarcima? Arheologije: časopis Svjetskog arheološkog kongresa.


Jedna misao o & ldquo Žene u doba Vikinga nekad i sada & rdquo

Potpuno se slažem s vašim pristupom i volim kut koji gledate na ovo. Da, u pravu ste, suvremena istraživačka prošlost podijelila je žene u prošlosti u tradicionalne kategorije. Na ukopima u Osbergu postojao je i članak koji je napisao A.S Ingstadt da se radi o pokopu svećenice i ovdje nema ničeg pogrdnog .. zapravo bi svećenice Vanir mogle biti značajno moćne u Skandinaviji iz doba Vikinga sa značajnim utjecajem na poljoprivredne rezultate. Također mislim da se ne može zaboraviti ono što piše u srednjovjekovnim zakonima, poput Grágása (radim u sjevernom Atlantiku, također arheolog koji se bavi ženama i tekstilnim poslovima). Prošao sam kroz njih sa češljem sa finim zubima i nema sumnje u tim ranosrednjovjekovnim dokumentima žene se nisu smatrale jednakim muškarcima i postoje stroga pravila o tome tko bi mogao prisustvovati lokalnim Þingsima, a tko i kako naslijediti Goðorð. Također su regulirani brak i općenito društveno prihvaćeno ponašanje. Ove knjige, naravno, nisu izravno iz doba Vikinga, a pretpostavljam da su žene imale više moći u doba Vikinga nego u ranom srednjovjekovlju, ali je Grágás prepisan gotovo izravno iz zakona Gulathing iz Norveške koji je bio u upotrebi prije islandskog 12. stoljeća. Radim na ženskoj moći u proizvodnji tekstila i ne dolazi sva moć u obliku političkog vodstva, postoji i suptilniji oblik moći i oni mogu uliti strah i poštovanje koji su jednako učinkoviti kao i potonji.


Kakav je bio život žena u doba Vikinga?

Tehnički, žene nisu mogle biti čak ni Vikinge. Kao što je Judith Jesch, autorica knjige “Women in the Viking Age ” (1991.), istaknula, staronorveška riječ “vikingar ” odnosila se samo na muškarce, obično na one muškarce koji su se iskrcali iz Skandinavije svojim poznatim dugim čamcima i otplovio do tako dalekih mjesta kao što su Britanija, Europa, Rusija, sjevernoatlantski otoci i Sjeverna Amerika između otprilike 800-1100.

No, iako su ti Vikinzi postali zloglasni kao žestoki ratnici i brutalni napadači, bili su i uspješni trgovci koji su uspostavili trgovačke putove po cijelom svijetu. Oni su formirali naselja, osnivali mjesta i gradove (Dublin, na primjer) i ostavili trajan utjecaj na lokalne jezike i kulture mjesta na kojima su iskrcali svoje brodove.

Dok su ranija povijesna istraživanja o Vikinzima teoretizirala da su norveški mornari putovali u grupama samo za muškarce —možda zbog nedostatka poželjnih partnera u Skandinaviji 𠅊 novija studija priča sasvim drugačiju priču. U novijoj studiji, objavljenoj krajem 2014., istraživači su upotrijebili dokaze mitohondrijske DNK kako bi pokazali da su se nordijske žene pridružile svojim muškarcima radi migracija u doba Vikinga u Englesku, na Shetlandske i Orkneyjeve otoke te na Island, te da su bile važni činitelji u procesima migracije i asimilacije. ” Posebno u ranije nenaseljenim područjima poput Islanda, norveške su žene bile od vitalnog značaja za naseljavanje novih naselja i njihovo napredovanje.

Poput mnogih tradicionalnih civilizacija, društvo vikinškog doba u zemlji i inozemstvu u osnovi je dominiralo muškarcima. Muškarci su se bavili lovom, borbom, trgovinom i poljoprivredom, dok su životi žena usmjereni na kuhanje, brigu o domu i odgoj djece. Većina ukopa Vikinga koje su pronašli arheolozi odražavaju ove tradicionalne rodne uloge: muškarci su općenito pokopani s oružjem i oruđem, a žene s predmetima za kućanstvo, ručnim radom i nakitom.

No žene u Skandinaviji u doba Vikinga uživale su u neobičnom stupnju slobode za svoje vrijeme. Mogli su posjedovati imovinu, tražiti razvod i povratiti svoj miraz ako im brak prestane. Žene su se sklonile udavati u dobi od 12 do 15 godina, a obitelji su pregovarale o sklapanju tih brakova, ali je žena obično imala pravo glasa u aranžmanu. Ako je žena htjela razvod, morala je pozvati svjedoke u svoj bračni krevet i pred njima izjaviti da se razvela od muža. U bračnom ugovoru obično je bilo navedeno kako će se obiteljska imovina podijeliti u slučaju razvoda.

Iako je muškarac bio “ruler ” kuće, žena je imala aktivnu ulogu u upravljanju svojim mužem, kao i u kućanstvu. Nordijske žene imale su puni autoritet u domaćoj sferi, osobito kad su im muževi bili odsutni. Ako bi muškarac iz kućanstva umro, njegova bi žena trajno preuzela njegovu ulogu, samostalno vodeći obiteljsko poljoprivredno gospodarstvo ili trgovačko poduzeće. Mnoge žene u Skandinaviji u doba Vikinga pokopane su s prstenovima ključeva, što je simboliziralo njihovu ulogu i moć kao upraviteljice kućanstva.

Neke su se žene uzdigle do posebno visokog statusa. One of the grandest burials ever found in Scandinavia from that period belonged to the Oseberg “queen,” a woman who was buried in a sumptuously decorated ship along with many valuable grave goods in A.D. 834. Later in the ninth century, Aud the Deep-Minded, the daughter of a Norwegian chieftain in the Hebrides (islands off northern Scotland) married a Viking king based in Dublin. When her husband and son died, Aud uprooted her household and organized a ship voyage for herself and her grandchildren to Iceland, where she became one of the colony’s most important settlers.

Je li bilo žena ratnica u društvu vikinškog doba? Though relatively few historical records mention the role of women in Viking warfare, the Byzantine-era historian Johannes Skylitzes did record women fighting with the Varangian Vikings in a battle against the Bulgarians in A.D. 971. In addition, the 12th-century Danish historian Saxo Grammaticus wrote that communities of “shieldmaidens” dressed like men and devoted themselves to learning swordplay and other warlike skills, and that some 300 of these shieldmaidens held the field in the Battle of Brávellir in the mid-eighth century. U svom poznatom djelu Gesta Danorum, Saxo je pisao o djevi štita po imenu Lagertha, koja se borila uz slavnog Vikinga Ragnara Lothbroka u bitci protiv Šveđana, i toliko je impresionirala Ragnara svojom hrabrošću da je tražio i osvojio njezinu ruku u braku.

Većina onoga što znamo o ženama ratnicama u doba Vikinga dolazi iz književnih djela, uključujući romantične sage koje je Saxo pozvao kao neke od svojih izvora. Female warriors known as “Valkyries,” who may have been based on shieldmaidens, are certainly an important part of Old Norse literature. S obzirom na rasprostranjenost ovih legendi, uz veća prava, status i moć koje su uživali, zasigurno se čini vjerojatnim da su žene u društvu Vikinga povremeno uzimale oružje i tukle se, osobito kad im je netko prijetio, njihovim obiteljima ili njihovoj imovini.


Viking women at home

The University of Tubingen study also suggests a link between rural equality in Viking times and a specialisation in raising animals. Professor Jörg Baten explained that men dealt with crops because of the need for greater physical strength, adding: “raising animals enabled women to contribute a great deal to the family income. That probably raised their position in society.”

The viking farm at Avaldsnes in western Norway

Women were also just as responsible for their homesteads, often working for months at a time while a community's men were away. The hub of everyday life was the longhouse, a long, single-roomed accommodation with benches for sleeping and seating set around a central fireplace.

Typically, the woman's responsibility would have been to care for the house and its residents. This could include elderly relatives, visiting political or business guests, and in many cases, foster-children. Viking women were practised storytellers. In fact, this oral tradition carried on for centuries until the stories were captured in writing in the Icelandic sagas of the Early Middle Ages.

“Such women in the Nordic countries may have led to popular myths about the Valkyries: They were strong, healthy and tall,” says Jörg Baten. But the picture in Scandinavian cities was different. “The Swedish towns of Lund and Sigtuna – on the site of today’s Stockholm – and in Trondheim in Norway, had developed a class system by the Early Middle Ages. Women there did not have the same equality as their sisters in the countryside.”


Skeptical Humanities

In the last week, a number of websites have informed their readers that recent scientific evidence shows that roughly half of Viking warriors were female. Tor.com proclaims, “Better Identification of Viking Corpses Reveals: Half of the Warriors Were Female,” while Cory Doctorow of BoingBoing declares that “Half the Remains of Slain Vikings in England Are Female.” Wow, cool! How is it possible that we didn’t know this before? Well, according to Emma Cueto of Bustle, it’s because of evil sexist scholars. Her post boasts the level-headed title, “Women Viking Warriors Existed, Confounding Sexist Scientists Everywhere.” She claims that sexist archaeologists have used sexist assumptions to come to sexist conclusions rather than looking at the actual data:

After all, if archeologists [sic] are letting their sexist assumptions affect the way they collect and classify data about the past, that has some pretty troubling implications. For instance, when people argue in favor of “traditional” gender roles, they often cite history, saying that since this is how things have always been, clearly it’s natural and therefore right.

I’d like to see an example of a modern archaeologist saying that something is natural and right because it was common in the past: “Well, human sacrifice is traditional. It’s been practiced for millennia. So I’ve slaughtered a couple of the slower diggers to appease the gods. Što? Stop looking at me like that!”

Human Sacrifice: Traditional, Therefore Required*

And if we are imposing our own ideas about gender back onto the past, that’s not only bad for the modern fight for gender equality, but it’s also just bad science.

So if archeologists could stop making sexist assumptions and maybe start being thorough researchers, that would great. Sound good, guys?

She’s right: doing thorough research je important looking at as many types of evidence as possible je važno. Scholars in all fields should stop imposing their own ideas about gender onto the past, and they should look at the actual data.

It is especially ironic, then, that she appears to be imposing her ideas about gender roles and gender equality onto the Viking Age and that she hasn’t looked at the data. That is to say, neither she nor many of the other writers seem actually to have read the scholarly article that inspired them.

They seem not, for instance, to have noticed its date of publication: 2011. Even the USA Today and Jezebel articles that actually get cited and quoted are from 2011. It’s not entirely clear why this story has been resurrected, although it may have something to do with the popularity of the History Channel’s series Vikings, which features a shield-maiden named Lagertha.

Photo: Jonathan Hession,
The History Channel
NOT A REAL VIKING WOMAN!

The actual scholarly article, “Warriors and Women: The Sex Ratio of Norse Migrants to Eastern England up to 900 AD” by Shane McLeod has nothing to do with female Viking warriors. It only tangentially relates to warriors at all. He’s talking about migrants, early Norse settlers. His focus is very narrow: Norse burials in eastern England from the latter half of the ninth century. Specifically, he discusses Scandinavian burials contemporary with the incursions of the Great Heathen Army (865-878) and a second army that rampaged in the 890s. Considering the narrow focus, it’s dangerous to extrapolate the data to the entire Viking world.

Extrapolation is even more dangerous when we consider that he is discussing fourteen burials. Fourteen. According to osteological examination, seven of the skeletons** were male, six were female, and one couldn’t be sexed because it was a juvenile. This data suggests that there svibanj have been a higher percentage of female settlers during this period than has previously been assumed. It was commonly believed that males–warriors–came first. After they claimed land and began to settle, Norse women began to join them in larger numbers, while many Norsemen married Anglo-Saxon women. McLeod isn’t the first to suggest that more women arrived earlier than was previously thought, although he provides some data to support his contention.

The sample size is, however, tiny. And his findings don’t necessarily contradict the idea that there were many intermarriages between the Norse and the Anglo-Saxons or that more Norse women arrived later.

Here are some things the article doesn’t say: McLeod never says that any of the remains belong to “the slain.” He never claims the female migrants were warriors. Indeed, he refers on several occasions to women and children who accompanied the armies. So where does this whole “warrior woman” thing come from, and what’s up with the sexist archaeologists?

Well, he points out that the sex of Viking Age human remains is often determined by looking at grave goods (this is true of other pagan burials as well). He believes that grave goods may not always be a reliable indication of sex, and he focuses instead on remains that have been sexed by an examination of the bones. And this is fair enough. All data should be taken into account: both grave goods and osteological examination.

Of the fourteen burials he discusses, most of the male remains were found with items traditionally associated with male burials, and most of the female remains were found with items traditionally associated with female burials. There are two exceptions. One is a double burial, a female with the juvenile of undetermined sex. These two were buried with “sword hilt grip, shield clamps, knife” (Table 2, p. 345). Of course, we don’t know which of the grave’s occupants was the proud owner of these items. Another woman was buried with “axe, seaxes, sword pieces in mortuary” (Table 2, p. 345).

So, that’s it–that’s the big sexist scandal. Now, there are a few things to keep in mind. For one thing, osteological examination isn’t always possible. Sometimes there simply isn’t enough bone evidence. And osteological evidence can also be problematic. In fact, McLeod does a good job of showing exactly how difficult it is to make many determinations when dealing with very old human remains. Not only is the sex of the remains a problem, so is determining date, establishing whether the remains are really Norse, etc. So, yes, consider the bone evidence, but don’t ignore the evidence of grave goods. The article does not reveal some sort of nefarious sexist scandal in the field of archaeology.

So are the few women who were buried with weapons warriors? Possibly, but it’s difficult to say for sure. We don’t really know why they were buried with these items. Were there female Vikings? Pa, Vikinzi Wiki certainly things so:

Shield-maidens were women who chose to fight as warriors alongside the other Viking men in the pagan Scandinavia.

They took part in warfare, and they played vital strategic roles in the battlefield, where the shield-maidens were either part of the front-lines in their shield-wall formation, or were the ones who helped close the gaps in their defense by picking up the shields of the fallen and holding them up themselves. Scholars like Britt-Mari Näsström suggest that sheild-maidens [sic] where transsexual women who where adapted as warriors to fit in.

Wow, that’s super-specific. And there’s absolutely no evidence for it. Shield-maidens are often associated with valkyries, who were mythological semi-divine women–not real, historical warrior women. Lagertha, the shield-maiden from Vikinzi, may have started out as a goddess or giantess. Lagertha, along with several other warrior women, also appears in Saxo Grammaticus’s Gesta Danorum, but these are all within the realm of legend rather than history. Saxo also disapprovingly presents them as transgressing normal female behavior, and they are ultimately defeated. Also in the realm of legend is Hervör of Hervarar saga ok Heiðreks.

In semi-historical works, there are a few women who take up weapons. Freydis, the daughter of Eirik the Red and sister or half-sister of Leif Eiriksson, has a great warrior moment in the Saga of Eirik the Red. She has accompanied Thorfinn Karlsefni to Vinland. When the Norse retreat after an assault by the Skraelings (Native Americans), Freydis derides them for cowardice. Because she is heavily pregnant, she falls behind. When confronted by Skraelings, she picks up a sword from a dead man and slaps it against her breasts. This action scares off the Skraelings. She is not, however, a Viking warrior.

Scandinavian women of the Viking era (particularly Icelandic women) had more rights than many other European women, and Old Norse literature is filled with strong, interesting, powerful, influential, respected, and occasionally villainous women, but most of them are not warriors. Judith Jesch, Professor of Viking Studies at the University of Nottingham, argues that women who took up weapons were rare in medieval Scandinavia:

Like most periods of human history, the Viking Age was not free from conflict, and war always impacts on all members of a society. It is likely that there were occasions when women had to defend themselves and their families as best they could, with whatever weapons were to hand. But there is absolutely no hard evidence that women trained or served as regular warriors in the Viking Age. Valkyries were an object of the imagination, creatures of fantasy rooted in the experience of male warriors. War was certainly a part of Viking life, but women warriors must be classed as Viking legend.

Swedish archaeologist and skeptic Martin Rundkvist agrees that warrior women were very rare during the Viking Age, and he argues that osteological sexing tends to support the evidence of grave goods:

[F]urnished burial is strongly gendered and this correlates with osteological sexing. Looking at richly furnished graves, you get weapon burials and jewellery burials, so dissimilar that you have to seriate them separately when you build chronology. The stuff they tend to share are things like pots and table knives. Almost always the weapon graves contain male-sex bones and the jewellery graves contain female-sex bones.

Every once in a very long while you get a jewellery grave with a single piece of weaponry in it, or vice versa. But in most cases those are cremation graves where it is impossible to know if (to pick a 6th century case from my dissertation about the Barshalder cemetery) the heavily armed cavalry man was buried with a dainty bead necklace around his neck or if his wife just put it on the pyre next to his feet as a parting gift. So it seems that if a few women were buried as warriors, their grave goods would be likely to be 100% weapon-gendered, not mixed.

Like Jesch, he agrees that women in rare circumstances may have fought to protect themselves, but that these were not Viking women:

Did any women ever fight? Yes, I’m sure some did, particularly when threatened by male warriors, as would have been an unfortunate fact of life in that barbaric age. But the ones who joined an armed retinue, lived the ideal warrior life and went to Valhalla must have been vanishingly few.

Finally, he argues that whether there were women warriors in the Viking world has no effect on gender issues today. He does not believe that tradition should guide contemporary actions. Clearly Dr. Rundkvist is not the sexist straw archaeologist that Cueto set up. He ends by saying,

The past is not our mirror and archaeology must resist attempts to use its results or bend its interpretations for political purposes today.

He clearly agrees with Cueto that archaeologists should follow the evidence and that they should not let “their sexist assumptions affect the way they collect and classify data about the past.” Unlike Cueto, however, he seems to believe archaeologists should follow the evidence even when it suggests that Viking warrior women were largely a myth.

*WickerManIllustration” by Unknown Original uploader was Midnightblueowl at en.wikipedia – Transferred from en.wikipedia transfer was stated to be made by User:Midnightblueowl.. Licensed under Public domain via Wikimedia Commons –

*The remains were not necessarily complete skeletons. Some came from cremation burials.

McLeod, Shane. “Warriors and Women: The Sex Ration of Norse Migrants to Eastern England up to 900 AD.” Early Medieval Europe 19.3 (2011): 332-353.


Grave Goods Demand Gender Roles In Viking History To Be Rewritten. Or Do They? - Povijest

The Roles of Women During the Viking Age

Vikings are often pictured as muscled blonde men in horned helmets sailing around in dragon shaped boats, raping and pillaging as they please. In the modern day, Vikings have become a staple in TV shows such as History Channels, “The Vikings,” and the Norwegian comedy series, “The Norsemen”. Many times the Viking women are completely left out of the equation.

This is unfair, as Viking women had several roles in their society. One of their most prominent roles was in textile production. They made clothing, sacks, and even produced the sails of the ships [1]. Most of the evidence for women’s roles comes from grave goods. Grave goods are the possessions the person owned during their lifetime, or represent that persons place or role in society. Nicolaysen’s barrow 113 is a good representation of a female grave. Found on the Norde Kaupang farm in southern Vestfold it contains the body of a female Viking who was cremated, which was typical for the Middle Viking Age. Her grave contained a spindle whorl (used in creating textiles), a horse bit and stirrups, cooking utensils, and the two oval brooches that marked every female Viking’s grave [2]. Using the evidence of grave goods it can be determined that women’s roles in textile production was an important one.

Women could own property and gain inheritance. One of the most famous burials discovered was the Oseburg Ship Burial. Found in Norway, it contains two women as well as a ship, 12 horses, 2 oxen, and 4 dogs [3]. This burial was massive, and was a demonstration of these women’s wealth and social standing. This can help historians conclude that women could gain an independent social ranking, and gain wealth separate from their husbands or fathers [4].

Another form of evidence for determining women’s status were runestones. A runestone is sort of like how we picture gravestones today, a marker that tells the story of the person who is buried there. Unlike our gravestones, runestones also tell about the person who paid for them to be made. One famous runestone is from Bro, Sweden. It was purchased by a woman named Inga, who had several runestones made to honor the deaths of her sons and two husbands. She tells how they died, and that they were honorable men [5]. Her runestones also credited her sons and husbands for her inheritance. She gained a large amount of money, and she wanted to honor them for this. While this story is sad, it opens the door for historians to look at how inheritance passed down through families, and proved women could be first in line.

The Viking culture had strong ideas based on family and each member of the family had specific roles. Women helped care for the family’s farm and businesses. This is evidenced through graves of women and men [6]. The way in which someone was buried also helps historians know the persons roles in life. Men were typically buried in boat burials, to show they had been out to sea and explored. Women were sometimes buried alongside the men, but it was rare to find a woman in boat grave by herself. The burial Ka. 259 Grave V holds a female in a boat burial [7].

Another thing many historians look into is the Viking Sagas. A Saga is a story that tells about a hero and their struggles, or the achievement of the society as a whole. While these Sagas are not truth, they can be used to learn about how Vikings lived and viewed each other. One saga called, “A Warrior Woman,” tells the story of the Viking woman Lagerda who helps the hero Ragnar in helping defeat his enemies. Because of her courage and strength Ragnar wants to marry her [8]. This shows that the Vikings had positive stories about women as warriors.

The female Viking lived a life that was mainly focused on working in the household as well as running the family farm. They had several rights among the men through inheritance and marriage laws. These women helped Viking society in its success, and although often overlooked or misrepresented, had an important place in their society.

[1] Jesch, Judith. Žene u doba Vikinga. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1991.

[2] Marianne Moen. The Gendered Landscape: A Discussion on Gender, Status and Power in the Norwegian Viking Age Landscape. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2011.

[4] Marianne Moen. The Gendered Landscape: A Discussion on Gender, Status and Power in the Norwegian Viking Age Landscape. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2011.

[5] Jesch, Judith. Žene u doba Vikinga. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 1991.

[6] Graham-Campbell, James, and Dafydd Kidd. “House and Home.” U Vikinzi, 75–85. New York: William Morrow and Company, 1980. [7] Marianne Moen. The Gendered Landscape: A Discussion on Gender, Status and Power in the Norwegian Viking Age Landscape. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2011.


Žene u doba Vikinga

Although women in the Viking Age (c. 790-1100 CE) lived in a male-dominated society, far from being powerless, they ran farms and households, were responsible for textile production, moved away from Scandinavia to help settle Viking territories abroad stretching from Greenland, Iceland, and the British Isles to Russia, and were perhaps even involved in trade in the sparse urban centres. Some were part of a rich upper class, such as the lady – perhaps a queen – who was buried in the ostentatious Oseberg ship burial in 834 CE, while on the other end of the spectrum, slaves, among them many women, were taken from conquered territories during the Viking expansion and integrated into Viking Age society.

As we are largely dependent on piecing together their lives mostly through burials, the accompanying grave goods, and the occasional runestone that mentions women (or was commissioned by one), we know a fair amount about Viking Age women's clothing, jewellery, and personal items but much less about their effective 'power' or the status they held. In a landscape where small rural communities or even remote self-sustaining farmsteads were the norm, however, the domestic tasks that were mainly the domain of women were clearly far from unimportant. In some cases, while their men were away trading, or pillaging monasteries and scaring monks around the Northern European coasts, the wives who stayed behind likely took over control of the farm for a while. Moreover, over the past few years, the possible existence of female Viking warriors has been discussed a lot – adding high-pitched battle-screams to an otherwise very bearded scene – but the evidence is quite controversial and inconclusive.

Oglas

Clothing & Jewellery

One of the less cloudy areas when it comes to the lives of women in the Viking Age is their clothing and jewellery. Courtesy of burials and their accompanying grave goods, we know that most women seem to have worn outfits comprised of two or three layers, the first of which being a linen or woollen sleeved shift or underdress fastened at the neck with a small disc brooch and sometimes pleated there, too. On top of this, a strapped gown or overdress was worn, made of a rectangular piece of usually wool which was wrapped around the body and held up by shoulder straps which at the front of the dress were pinned down by two oval brooches.

These oval brooches, also known as tortoise brooches, are typical for Viking Age material culture, and when one finds such brooches in graves, a Scandinavian link is usually present. They varied hugely in style more than 50 styles have been identified, and, as Neil Price explains, "the differences may reflect changes in fashion, but it is more likely this enormous diversity shows an arcane language of class and regional affiliation we can no longer understand." (Fitzhugh & Ward, 36). Alternatively, box brooches could also be used to fasten shawls and the likes. Both types of brooches were usually made of bronze and adorned with knotted patterns. The types of textiles held in place by them could vary greatly too, from simple domestic wool to fine oriental silk in trading hubs such as Birka in Sweden, where, interestingly, the varying qualities of cloth were often present in one and the same (rich) grave.

Oglas

Besides these practical items, women in the Viking Age also wore necklaces, arm rings, and trefoil buckles (and trefoil brooches, made up of three 'arms' poking out, embellished with knotwork and/or filigree). Beads are also commonly found in their graves.

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Running the Household

Although a few trade centres did exist, Viking Age homes were mostly located in smaller rural hubs and at isolated farms where a large degree of self-sufficiency would have been needed to survive. A typical Viking Age house was made up of one long room with a central hearth and could be accompanied by a dairy, sheds, barns, and other outbuildings.

Mostly resigned to this domestic sphere, Judith Jesch remarks that "women living in rural areas in the Viking Age spent most of their time in the triangle of byre [cowshed], dairy and living quarters, providing their families with food and clothing" (41). Just as food had to be prepared from whatever raw state it came in – quite unlike running to the supermarket – textile production and the subsequent making of clothes were elaborate processes that almost all Viking Age women were involved in one way or another. In fact, the most common grave goods found in female graves from this period are spindle whorls, wool combs, and weaving battens, especially in the countryside. Other tasks that do not show up in the archaeological record in such a direct way but are traditionally associated with women are child-rearing and caring for the sick or the elderly, and we might also imagine women doing odd jobs around the farm or even some carpentry or leatherworking. How exactly children were brought up and whether girls were treated any differently from boys is unclear, although daughters could perhaps be given in marriage at an appropriate age.

Oglas

Although subordinate to their husbands, like their contemporaries, women arguably had a good degree of responsibility and perhaps even control over the running of the household, as symbolised by the fact they were often buried with keys, and they were likely on occasion left in charge of matters while their husbands were away (or dead). Anne-Sophie Gräslund has even suggested farms were like firms, "run by husband and wife together, in which the work of both partners was of equal importance although different and complementary" (Sørensen, 260). It must be noted, though, that the people who owned such (larger) farms and their adjoining lands would have had considerable means and would likely have belonged to the upper classes within society they are not automatically reflective of all of Viking Age society. Throughout Viking Age society, though, marriage was a pivotal institution used to create new ties of kinship, also among Scandinavians and locals in conquered or settled areas, and, in line with the influence women could wield through their husbands, it seems unmarried women had very limited prospects. Before the advent of Christianity throughout Scandinavia and Viking territories around 1000 CE, concubinage (often connected to slavery), and plural marriages occurred at least among the royals.

In general, although it is hard to comment on the exact status of Viking Age housewives, we must remember their domestic role was a very central one and would not generally have gone unappreciated. The inscription found on a stone as Hassmyra (Vs 24) – the only verse found on a Swedish inscribed stone that commemorates a woman – certainly seems to confirm this:

The good farmer Holmgaut had this raised in memory of his wife Odindis.
A better housewife
will never come
to Hassmyra
to run the farm.
Red Balli carved
these runes.
She was a good sister
to Sigmund.

(Jesch, 65)

Possible tradeswomen

There were a few trading centres in Viking Age Scandinavia where a lot more hustle and bustle must have gone on and where families would have lived slightly different lives than their more isolated and rural counterparts. The largest of these centres were Birka in Sweden, Ribe in Denmark, Kaupang in Norway, and Hedeby in present-day northern Germany (on the southern edge of Viking Age Denmark). Whereas in the countryside women were often buried with spindle whorls, female graves unearthed at Birka, for instance, hold needles, scissors, and tweezers, hinting at fine sewing, and even merchants' weights, scales, and coins.

Oglas

These latter have been found not just around other urban centres in Scandinavia but also in Viking territories across what is now Russia, and have been taken to indicate that these women had been traders. Directly linking grave goods to actual activities in life is always a bit risky, though, as we do not know the intentions with which they were buried. Judith Jesch sensibly cautions that,

…we need to consider whether grave goods really represent the former lives of the dead, or whether some of them could not in fact have more of a symbolic function. The presence of weights in children's graves does not necessarily mean that they engaged in trading activities too. (Jesch, 21)

Instead, as has indeed been proposed by others, a woman buried with weights and scales may simply have belonged to a family of merchants rather than she herself having been an active merchant. As with many things regarding women in the Viking Age, we just do not have enough information to fill in such blanks or to paint a detailed picture of what exactly an urban Viking Age woman's life would have looked like. However, women in trade centres would certainly have been more directly connected with the wider world, not just through 'exotic' goods coming in but also through visitors. An account that relays how in the 9th century CE a Christian mission was sent to Birka and successfully converted the rich widow Frideburg and her daughter Catla, who then decided to travel to the Frisian market town of Dorestad, illustrates this.

Oglas

The Elite

If some women were indeed involved in trade, this might conceivably have placed them in the upper rungs of society or least given them means and status. The Viking Age's rich and powerful – a group which obviously was not exclusively male – peep through the gap of time and reach the modern world in a number of ways, such as the large runestones that were erected across Scandinavia, and burials ranging from just 'rich' to ones so over the top it leaves us no doubt as to the buried person's importance.

Runestones – unsurprisingly, big stones covered in runes and ornamentation usually erected to commemorate the dead – were normally commissioned by wealthy families, the runes speaking of their endeavours in life. Not only can one imagine women being important within these families, some stones were actually commissioned by women themselves (either jointly or alone), leaving an "impression of high social standing of a very few women" (Jesch, 49-50). Runestones also illustrate how important the inheritance of a woman was to facilitate the transfer of wealth from one family to another. Furthermore, some richly furnished female graves (and even boat graves) found in rural settings hint at women possibly climbing to high social positions there. In this same setting, we have already seen that women might have ended up running the farm in their husbands' absence.

Some 40 graves from Scandinavia and beyond have lent some credence to the idea, stemming from the texts and sagas related to the Viking Age, of the existence of female 'sorceresses'. Seiðr is a type of shamanistic magic mainly connected to women in the sources, who could be vǫlva (singular: vǫlur): powerful sorceresses with the power to see into the future and mainly associated with a staff of sorcery. Similar objects have been discovered in Viking Age burials and have clear symbolic overtones, perhaps even - according to one interpretation - functioning as metaphorical staffs used to 'spin out' the user's soul. These graves are often rich in terms of clothes and grave goods and include such things as amulets and charms, exotic jewellery, facial piercings, toe rings, and, in a handful of graves, even psychoactive drugs such as cannabis and henbane. How we might imagine these women's roles in society remains mysterious.

We also know of some royal female burials. Judith Jesch, mentioning the Oseberg boat burial (c. 834 CE) in which two women were buried in a lavishly decorated and furnished ship accompanied by lots of high-quality grave goods, explains how,

A few obviously royal burials that we have, such as Oseberg, cannot be mistaken for anything other than the monuments of persons with enormous status, wealth and power. Although they share characteristics with other Viking Age burials, they are really in a class of their own. (27)

Who exactly these women had been in life – queen and handmaiden, two aristocratic women related to each other, or otherwise – remains a puzzle but that at least one of them was of high status is beyond doubt.

Another woman of plentiful means was the late-9th-century CE Aud the 'deep-minded'. She is said to have been born to a Norwegian chieftain residing in the Hebrides and married a Viking who lived in Dublin. After the death of both her husband and son, she took over control of the family fortunes and arranged for a ship to take her and her granddaughters first to Orkney and the Faroes, to finally settle in Iceland. Here, she distributed land among her retinue, became an early Christian, as well as being remembered as one of Iceland's four most important settlers.

To top off the elite category, Viking Age queens existed, some on a smaller local scale (the big unified Scandinavian kingdoms did not fully crystallise until the end of the Viking Age), and some of them may have been very well-connected. All Viking Age women may, of course, have exercised influence through their husbands or sons – the more important they were, the more opportunities this might have entailed for the women at their sides.

Women As Settlers

In the wake of the Viking raids spilling across northern Europe and beyond, Viking territories sprung up as far apart as Greenland (and even Newfoundland in North America) and Russia. It is obvious that proper settlement is a hard thing to achieve without women, and female Viking Age burials – with their famous oval brooches – across these areas confirm their presence.

On the one hand, in the Vikings' initial raiding waves and military expeditions, it is both hard to picture women taking an active part and hard to find any evidence of this, although late-9th-century CE Anglo-Saxon and Frankish sources relate how Viking forces travelled together with their women and children, and archaeological finds at winter camps such as that at Torksey (England) reveal evidence of textile manufacture. Such families or camp-followers need not have been Scandinavian women, though the Viking armies raided both the continent and the British Isles and would likely have picked up at least some of the women from here. How common this scenario was is unclear, too.

On the other hand, more clarity arrives with the first proper settlement waves (times varied per Viking territory): Scandinavian immigrant families arrived in the British Isles in phases during the 9th and 10th centuries CE, while towards the end of the 9th century CE Iceland (and later, Greenland and beyond) were settled. These latter areas were fully Scandinavian (bar some influx of often female slaves, for example, taken from Ireland), while in the British Isles as well as through Russia there was more room for mixing with already-present people. On Orkney, for instance, the 9th- or early 10th-century CE burial of the so-called Westness Woman shows a Norse woman in her twenties along with her newborn child, buried with grave goods of a pair of bronze oval brooches as well as a Celtic pin among others. A rich Scandinavian female grave on the Isle of Man (the 'Pagan Lady of Peel') coupled with the c. 30 Christian runic monuments that are basically Celtic crosses with runic inscriptions (including both Norse and Celtic personal names) with Scandinavian-style ornamentation shows an even stronger image of a mixed community.

Warrior Women?

The famous Icelandic sagas of the 13th century CE, relaying stories set in the earlier Viking Age, add another possible layer of depth to the role of women they are shown as strong women taking action, stoking up revenge, standing up to their husbands or even engaging in fights. However, these sagas were composed way after the time they wrote about, from a different context, and it is too much of a stretch to directly extrapolate this image of women to the actual Viking Age.

Nevertheless, the 'strong Viking woman' runs wild in popular imagination. When Charlotte Hedenstierna‐Jonson published an article titled 'A female Viking warrior confirmed by genomics' (2017), for instance, excitement seemed to overtake caution. The study discusses a Viking Age grave (Bj 581) found in Birka, Sweden in the 1800s CE, containing a skeleton alongside various weapons, horses and even a stallion seemingly the attributes of a warrior. The tested bones belonged to a woman, who was subsequently dubbed "the first confirmed female high‐ranking Viking warrior" (857) on the basis of there also being a set of gaming pieces present (which the authors equate to tactical and strategical knowledge).

Critics have noted that this assumption belongs more in the realm of speculation rather than actual fact. The skeleton had no traumatic injuries – not something one would expect from an active warrior – and showed no sign of strenuous physical activity. We must remind ourselves how difficult it is to link grave goods to a person's actual life – could this woman have been buried with this warrior's gear for another reason (perhaps symbolic)?

If more evidence along those lines comes to the fore regarding women, the story changes, but as of yet, it would appear the archaeological and historical evidence is not sufficient to confirm this Birka woman having been an active warrior. Here, too, the lives of women in the Viking Age remain more shrouded in mystery than that of their male counterparts.


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Komentari:

  1. Pueblo

    I agree, a great thought

  2. Cuthbeorht

    Slažem se, divna fraza

  3. Calvino

    Potpuno slučajna slučajnost



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